With regard to the organic law of Kentucky, | merchandise, ought to be opened for this oband the reformations that we should make, there ject. Are gentlemen willing, when they have are almost as many opinions in the country as seen this great struggle arising all around us there are faces. There is no earthly doubt of in the non-slaveholding states, to consult merethis, and there is great danger that the friends of ly their own wishes, their feelings, and views, reform will burthen the result of their labors when thereby we weaken our future growth with too much matter, and that when we submit and strength? I think that this is a strong it to the people for their judgment and verdict reason why the law of 1833 should never be inupon it, we shall have multiplied so many ob- corporated in the organic law of this state. jectors to it, that if they coalesce the constitution is sure to be rejected. I can only say that, for one, whenever I see my enemy ranging himself under my standard, I begin to doubt whether I am sailing under the right kind of colors. Now if it was there incorporated, does the gentleman suppose, for a single moment, that it I am entirely satisfied that if the gentleman will quiet agitation upon the slave question and from Madison succeeds in engrafting upon any upon the question of emancipation? It will not constitution we may frame, the law of 1833, it do it. My reading has taught me it is always will fall. That such will certainly be its fate, best to defend the outposts, and never be driven I have no doubt. I never did, I never can bring to the defence of the citadel while we have a myself to question the motive of any gentleman chance to meet the enemy at the threshhold. on this floor. I think they came here as pure And if our political adversaries have come and minded and as clear of guile as I came myself, placed themselves on what is said to be the platand I have no doubt that his conduct on this oc-form adopted by the original convention men, casion is superinduced by an ardent patriotism and devotion to the best interests of his country. But the question is not, what good purpose the incorporation of that clause will subserve, but whether it will secure certainly for the conNow my proposition, which will, in effect, be stitution, when framed with that clause in it, the destroyed, if that of the honorable President of approval of the judgment and the sober under- the convention succeeds, I think will not only standing of the people of this commonwealth. secure to these men the rights they now enjoy That is the question-whether it will have that under the constitution of Kentucky, but will effect, or whether it will have a contrary one. I quiet agitation. What will the emancipationists oppose the principle involved in the provision, have to gain by further agitation? What can and even if it was abstractly right, it is one they do on this subject? They can do nothing to which I would never subscribe. What is it? unless they are willing to take the high and reIt is, that slavery, as it now exists in Kentucky, sponsible ground, when the majority of their and to the extent to which it exists, is well countrymen, in one of the most triumphant enough, is right, and he is not disposed to inter-votes that has ever been given on any subject, fere with it; that it is the source of great have voted them down, of continuing to agitate wealth; that it aids in the agriculture of the the same question. Are they still going on to country, and adds to the revenue of the govern- agitate the subject? Are they about to assume ment; but that all those who are blessed with the character of those incendiaries who are wilthis description of property now, are to retain pos-ling, at all times and under all circumstances, to session of it, and it is not to be increasd by arti-light the torch of civil war here, which will reficial means hereafter. Now, upon two grounds, I am in favor of a different plan. 1 oppose, and shall ever oppose while I entertain the views I do, the principle of conferring especial immunities upon one class of citizens. And you might as well do it at once, by legislative enactment, as to say that what the citizen now possesses he shall retain, and throw around it the additional safeguard, that no man shall hereafter hold that Now for myself, I have set out with the dedescription of property unless he becomes able termination never to yield one single inch to to purchase it from those who now enjoy it, any spirit of fanaticism; because whenever you and who indeed may be unwilling to sell it. concede them any ground, they will be sure to Such is the effect if you prohibit the citizen from desire to go one step further and occupy a more going elsewhere to get this description of prop- prominent position. My proposition is intrinerty, at the best possible price of whom he sically right in itself. It secures to all grades, chooses. I oppose it upon another ground. It and conditions in life, if they have the means of will be recollected that five black men in Ken-purchasing this kind of property, the right to do tucky are equal to three white men in another so whenever they choose. In a mood of merstate. They may say as much as they please riment which often comes over me, and perhaps outside of the commonwealth of Kentucky, and too often for my own good, I happened the other in the non-slaveholding states, upon this subject, day to refer to the fact that some gentlemen were but if five of our black men amount to as much exceedingly lucky, but that the class in which as three of their white men, I am perfectly satis- I was born and raised, and in which I hope to fied. And with regard to our future strength die, have never been so fortunate. We make no and weight in the councils of the nation, if you calculation, as I remarked on that occasion, to consult the future growth, and strength, and have any of this kind of property come down to greatness of the commonwealth of Kentucky, us by descent, by gift, and least of all, by marevery avenue that can be opened for the intro-riage. If some gentlemen are so fortunate, or duction of this property, save for the purpose of rather unfortunate as to have the opportunity of sult in the burning of our houses, and in the bedewing of our hearth-stones with the blood of our wives and children? It is right and proper that every man in the commonwealth of Kentucky-no matter what his creed, faith,or notions in religion or politics on this subject may be― when the majority have voted him down, should, as a good citizen, submit to their decision. marrying seme four or five times, and every time marrying negroes by the acre, it has not yet, and I trust in God it never will fall to my lot. Of all things on the earth, a mercenary marriage is the most detestable in the sight of God and the holy angels that cluster around the throne of Heaven. I certainly do not expect to acquire property in this way. Now if a man who pursues agriculture, a working man-after he has made money enough and when he and his helpmate have clambered up the hill of life and are ready to descend on the other side-should desire to buy some one to wait upon him in his old age, is it not right that he should have the privilege of doing it at the cheapest possible rate? I know a great many hard working men in this state, my neighbors -and I have as good neighbors as any gentleman on this floor-who have expressed such a desire, and it is but right they should have the privilege of its gratification. Now let me ask the slaveholders of this body, why it is that you see the non-slaveholder clinging around the institution of slavery in this country? There are various reasons why. They know from experience that somehow or other-but from what cause, perhaps I cannot tell the character of a non-slaveholding man in a slave holding country, is elevated to the highest pitch and that he stands on the platform of universal equality with his neighbors, whether he owns slaves or not. one side the traveler sees the wheat-fields in harvest time groaning under the weight of their heavy yield, and on the other, the green pastures with their thousands of cattle. And all this right in the midst of this curse of slavery! It is all a mistake-slavery does not, will not, and cannot produce such a moral or physical degradation as gentlemen seem to imagine. Well, as I said, I believe that my proposition is correct, but I am not fastidious upon the subject. I have asserted that slavery is not an evil, and I want rather more of it. If it is the thing I think it is, and if it works out such wonders in this country, as I perceive it does, I am willing to have rather more of it. And gentleman may pass laws either inviting this agitation or putting an end to it; but if every man here was an emancipationist, they could not, if they were so disposed, incorporate a clause in the constitution taking from me my right of ownership in the slaves. Let us try this question. I do conceive that the present constitution of Kentucky conferred upon the citizen unlimited and unrestricted rights, either as to time or any thing else, in his slave property. If that is the fact, then how could this convention, without impairing the obligations of contract, incorporate any clause in the constitution that would authorize the legislature to take the property of the slave owner without paying him a just compensation, or even then without his consent? Are there not many banks chartered in I recollect, during last summer to have seen the commonwealth of Kentucky whose charters a manifesto from the city of Louisville, the head extend beyond the sitting of this convention or quarters of abolitionism and emancipation- the period previous to the adoption of any conwhich was thrown out like a gilded bait to stitution which we may frame, and is there any catch the non-slaveholding interest of the coun- gentleman here who will attempt to assert that try-laying it down as an undeniable proposi- this convention has a right to say to those banks tion that slavery was a curse to any country, that their charters shall now expire, and that it and at the same time classifying the counties in shall depend upon the legislature, whether they the state, showing that the whole of it existed shall be renewed? A gentleman gives me his in but some eighteen or twenty counties, and note payable three years after date, and it falls that those on the frontiers had scarcely any due two years after this convention has adopted a slaves in them. They had two objects. Now constitution. Can this convention say that the it occurred to me that if slavery was this blight-bond shall be null and void? Would it not coning mildew, if it was this mill stone which hung round our necks, they should have referred to the further fact, more undeniable even than any thing they have laid down, that right in the centre of Kentucky, we have the richest, the most intelligent, and the most patriotic people-not excluding our frontier brethren-on the face of the globe. And here where we have more slaves than in any other part of Kentucky, by ten to one, if it is such a curse, how does it happen, that under that curse, under that blighting curse, which blasts and pollutes every thing that it touches, we have the most enlightened, the richest, and the most cultivated people upon the face of God Almighty's earth. Yes, here, surrounded with this curse, this vast curse, this mountain, that would crush any other people and bear them down on the face of the earth, how does all this happen? I can throw my recollection back to the period when from the town of New Castle to Shelbyville, there was scarcely a log cabin for the wayfarer to stop and slake his thirst. Now, there runs a continuous lane from my town to Shelbyville, and if a lady were riding by herself, she could not break herself a switch. On the flict with the provision of the federal constitution declaring that the state has no power to impair the obligation of contracts? I buy a negro from one of my neighbors. He conveys him to me by a bill of sale, and vests in me all the rights of property that incorporations can have vested in them by charter, or that you can vest in the obligee of a note by writing your obligation to him. And can your constitution set my negro free without my consent, whether it pays me or not? Would it not impair an obligation and seek to vitiate and render null by constitutional enactment, a vested right in me? Is not all this true? Now I have given my views upon this question, and I shall not seek to elaborate them any further. I would like to know one thing before I sit down-perhaps I ought to leave the enquiry to other gentlemen on this floor-but I should like to know from my friend from Logan, when and how it was Mr. Clay became the great leader of the democratic party? Now, I never have said, in all my life, one word against the personal character of Mr. Clay, or made any vile or false accusation against him. I have looked upon him as one of the most stupendous intellects er subject, and I rise not so much for the purpose of enlightening this assembly, upon this grave and important subject, as for the purpose of assigning a reason for occupying the position I do upon this subject. I will now proceed to the investigation of this subject in a moral and religious point of viewI mean the question of slavery. And the first thing that will be necessary, will be to define, clearly and distinctly, the question to be proved, and the point at issue. And here permit me to remark that I will not attempt to prove, or to investigate the question, whether slavery as it exists in this state, or in any other state, is right or wrong, but whether slavery is right or wrong, consistent or inconsistent with the law of God, in this or any other country, or in this or any other age?-whether it is right for any individual, at this or any other time, under existing or any other circumstances, to hold property in man? That, sir, is the question.— And here I ask, what is the ground assumed by the opposition? I do this in order that we may have the true issue before us, in a manner so clear that no gentleman can misunderstand it. And as the delegate from Madison repudiates the sentiments which I understood him to have expressed, and which was the foundation of what I then said, and what I am now about to say-that slavery was wrong, and that the finger of God was upon and against it-I beg leave, to read a paragraph from what purports to be an address to the Presbyterians of Kentucky, for the instruction and emancipation of their slaves-by a committee of the Synod of Kentucky-and published in the Examiner, a paper which I believe is endorsed and patronized by the emancipation party, throughout the the world ever produced—as an orator, never equalled, and as a great man who has scarcely ever been surpassed. I have never admired but one kind of aristocracy, and that is of mind, and I have always been ready to render at all times homage where homage is due. The gentleman from Logan, who tried his hand in one county and could not quite come it, and went to another county and now has come into this convention, I think has attempted to reach over or around the shoulders of an old friend to stab his old political enemies. If such is his intention, I yield to him all the honor and pleasure of such a triumph. I myself have never in my life thrust around the side of my friend to stab or wound an enemy. It may be, and I think it is, true, that "Old Bullion," in his old age and dotage, is seeking himself to become the great free-soil leader, and competes for that honor with both Mr. Clay and Mr. Van Buren. Mr. Clay, defeated, writes his bulletin on the field of battle, and seeks the north for the restoration of his health. Mr. Van Buren artfully pretends to be seeking to heal the breach in the democratic party in New York, and yet, as I think, is all the while artfully tearing it asunder. Old Bullion, soldier as he is, and has been, standing alone among southern men, comes out and proclaims free-soilism, returns to Missouri, rolls up his sleeve and enters the thickest of the fight. I think it will be found that Old Bullion will head the great free-soil and whig party, with my friend from Logan right at their heels, in 1852. I know that the emancipationists of Kentucky say, and I suppose they will doit, that when this constitution is submitted to the people, they will unite with my friend from Logan, and others, to break it down. It is a great pity, I think, that this should be the case with so pop-state. It reads as follows: ular a gentleman, who, after trying it in one "We all admit that the system of slavery, county and failing, can go to another county and which exists among us, is not right. Why then come it after all. It was with great difficulty do we assist in perpetuating it? Why do we that I could come it at all. [Laughter.] Well, make no serious efforts to terminate it? Is it though he did do this thing, I think it a great not because our perception of its sinfulness is misfortune to this convention that any anti-very feeble and indistinct, while our perception convention men were elected to this body at of the difficulties of instructing and emancipaall—and I am afraid there are too many of them.ting our slaves is strong and clear? As long as But let us unite and make the very best con- 'we believe that slavery, as it exists among us, stitution that we possibly can. For myself, I is a light evil in the sight of God, so long will am going to take the views of the elders of this we feel inclined to pronounce every plan that church of those men who understand this sub-can be devised for its termination, inexpedient ject better than I do. I have my projects, and Ior impracticable. Before, then, we unfold our have presented them for the consideration of this plan, we wish to examine the system, and try convention. If they vote them down it will be it by the principles which religion teaches. If a matter of no regret to me. I want them but it shall not be thus proved to be an abominato do right, and when they satisfy me that they tion in the sight of a just and holy God, we are doing right, I am going right along with shall not solicit your concurrence in any plan them, hand in hand and shoulder to shoulder. 'for its abolition. But if, when fairly examined, Mr. TALBOTT. On a former occasion I pro- it shall be seen to be a thing which God abhors, mised at some proper time to give my views upon we may surely expect that no trifling amount of a particular branch of the great subject of slave-trouble or loss, will deter you from lending ry, and I rise this morning, in obedience to that your efforts to its extermination. promise, for the purpose of redeeming that Slavery is not the same all the world over, pledge. I do not indulge the hope that I shall and to ascertain its character in any particular deliver myself in a very happy and felicitous state or country, we must examine the constitumanner, nor do I expect to charm the members ents and effects of the kind of slavery which of this body by my eloquence, by my oratory, or there exists. The system as it exists among us, by my rhetoric. But I intend to deliver my views and is constituted by our laws, consists of three in as brief and comprehensible manner as is pos- 'distinct parts-a deprivation of the right of sible. I do not expect, upon this or upon any property, a deprivation of personal liberty, and occasion, to shed any light upon this or any oth-'à deprivation of personal security. In all its parts it is, manifestly, a violation of the laws of thorized to pronounce it. And here sir, I beg to God, as revealed by the light of nature, as well read from Matthew Henry's notes on these 'as the light of revelation." verses: And again sir, I beg leave to read from Bishop Newton, another standard work in all the churches: It will be seen at once sir, that the ground as- "The spirit of prophecy comes upon him, sumed here is, that slavery is wrong in its insti-and like the dying Jacob, he tells his sons tution and evil in its tendencies-a thing which what should befall them." ch. 49, v. 25. God abhors-a sin in his sight, and in all its parts a violation of his law, a great moral evil, and as a matter of course, in all its tendencies and consequences, ruinous to the best interests of a state. If this be true sir, no man has a right to hold his three sons, Noah as a patriarch was en"In consequence of this different behavior of property in another, and no christian man should do it. I am a pro-slavery man sir, but convince lightened, and as the father of a family, who is me of the truth of this assumption, and I wouldered to foretell the different fortunes of their 'to reward or punish his children, was empowat once renounce it all, and I would not let the families; for this prophecy relates not so much sun go down upon my sin. I would give up to themselves, as to their posterity, the people my slaves, join the emancipationists, and help and the nations descended from them. He was to pay for the balance. I would throw myself not prompted by wine or resentment, for neither into the fight, and do battle for God and liberty.the one nor the other could infuse the knowlAnd what I am most surprised at is, that men who profess to pelieve all this, do not practice edge of futurity, or inspire him with the prescience of events, which happened hundreds, nay thousands of years afterwards. But God, 'willing to manifest his superintendence and the spirit of prophecy, and enabled him in some 'government of the world, endued Noah with 'measure, to disclose the purposes of his provi'dence toward the future race of mankind." what they preach. If they would sir, they could then say to us with an uplifted front, "go and do likewise," or come and "go along with us and we will do thee good." But let us see if these things be so. Let us see if under the laws of God, as revealed in the Old and New Testaments, and as recorded in our old-fashioned From both of these authorities it appears,. family Bibles, a man may not own property in man-whether he may not, with money purthat Noah spoke, not as some have supposed, chase slaves as we do here, and hold them for- from the vindictive feelings of a drunken old ever, or for life, and still live in favor with man, but by the immediate inspiration of God. God, or without committing a sin in his sight. If this is true, then; what he said was right and Just here sir, before I proceed farther in this proper, not contrary to, but in strict conformity investigation, I will remark, that as to the sin-with, the will of God. None, I presume will fulness of slavery, if any gentleman here or sonal servitude, or slavery. Then sir, we have deny that the curse here pronounced was perelsewhere, now or at any other time, will show the curse of slavery pronounced on some one by me, in our old-fashioned family Bible, a solitary the authority of God, and the question now is chapter, paragraph, or verse, which says that one man shall not purchase and own property beg leave to read from Newton on the prophewhom was it pronounced? And here sir, in man, or that slavery in this form is a sin and cies, page 15: abhorrent in the sight of God, I will give up the question. But if there is no law to be shown, there is none to violate; then there is no transgression, and consequently no sin-for there must be transgression before sin. This sir, I think settles the question as to the sin of slavery. upon I ་ "The curse of servitude pronounced upon Ca'naan, and so likewise the promise of blessing and enlargement made to Shem and Japheth, are by no means to be confined to their own persons, but extend to their whole race; as after'wards the prophecies concerning Ishmael, and But let us look farther into a different branch of those concerning Esau and Jacob, and those the subject. Let us see, if we can, when and relating to the twelve patriarchs, were not so how, and by what authority, slavery was first properly verified in themselves as in their posinstituted. Turn sir, to the 9th chapter of Gen-terity, and thither we must look for their full 'and perfect completion." esis, 24th verse, which reads as follows: "24. And Noah awoke from his wine, and knew what his younger son had done with him. "25. And he said, cursed be Canaan; a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren. "26. And he said, blessed be the Lord God of 'Shem, and Canaan shall be his servant. "27. God shall enlarge Japhet, and he shall dwell in the tents of Shem; and Canaan shall 'be his servant." "Hitherto we have explained the prophecy according to the present copies of our bible; but if we were to correct the text, as we should any ancient classic author in a like case, the whole perhaps might be made easier and plain'er. Ham the father of Canaan is mentioned in the preceding part of the story; and how then came the person of a sudden to be changed into 'Canaan? The Arabic version in these three This sir, is the prophetic denunciation of 'verses hath the father of Canaan instead of CaNoah, on one branch of his family, spoken bynaan. Some copies of the Septuagint likewise the immediate inspiration of God, and has been fulfilled, and is now being fulfilled, as I think will be proven in the sequel, as clearly as history, reason, and revelation can go to prove any thing. Before I inquire into what the denunciation is, the first question arises, was Noah au have Ham instead of Canaan, as if Canaan was 'But still Japheth was not dismissed without a promise. (Gen. ix. 47,) “God shall enlarge Japheth, and he shall dwell in the tents of Shem; and Canaan shall be servant to them," 'was deficient. May we not suppose therefore, of God was among the posterity of Shem for (without taking such liberties as Father Houbi- several generations; and of "them (Rom. ix. 'gant hath with the Hebrew text,) that the copy-5,) as concerning the flesh Christ came." 'ist by mistake wrote only Canaan instead of Ham the father of Canaan, and that the whole 'passage was originally thus? And Ham the father of Canaan saw the nakedness of his father, and told his two brethren without. And Noahor their servant.' 'awoke from his wine, and knew what his younger 'son had done unto him. And he said, Cursed be Ham the father of Canaan; a servant of servants 'shall he_be_unto his brethren. And he said, Bles'sed be the Lord God of Shem; and Ham the father 'of Canaan shall be servant to them. God shall enlarge Japheth; and he shall dwell in the tents of Shem; and Ham the father of Canaan shall be 'servant to them." From this it appears that the curse was not only upon Ham, but upon his posterity to the latest generations. The next question then is, who was Ham and his posterity to the latest generations to serve? It appears from the very face of the decree itself, that they were to be servants of servants to their brethren Shem and Japheth. But Newton, page 15, goes to show that they were not only to serve Shem and Japheth, but their children to the latest generation. And now, sir, let us see the fulfillment of this prophecy. And here I read from Newton, page 19, 20: * * "So it is said here "God shall enlarge Japheth," and the name of Japheth signifies en|·largement. Was Japheth then more enlarged than the rest? Yes he was both in territory and in children. The territories of Japheth's posterity were indeed very large, for besides all Europe, great and extensive as it is, they pos'sessed the lesser Asia, Media, part of Armenia, Iberia, Albania, and those vast regions towards 'the north, which anciently the Scythians inha'bited, and now the Tartars inhabit; and it is 'not improbable that the new world was peopled thither by the straits of Anian." by some of his northern descendants passing 6 I will now read from Keith on the Evidence of * the truth of the Christian Religion, as follows: "Not only do the different countries and cities 'which form the subjects of prophecy exhibit to this day their predicted fate, but there is also a with the deluge, when the members of a single prophecy recorded as delivered in an age coeval 'family included the whole of the human race"Ham at first subdued some of the posterity the fulfillment of which is conspicuous even at 'of Shem, as Canaan sometimes conquered Ja-the present time" 'pheth; the Carthaginians, who were originally Canaanites, did particularly in Spain and Italy; "But whatever was the occasion on which it but in time they were to be subdued, and be-was delivered, the truth of the prophecy must 'come servants to Shem and Japheth; and the 'be tried by its completion:-"Cursed be Canaan; 'change of their fortune from good to bad woulda servant of servants shall he be unto his brethrender the curse still more visible. Egypt was ren. Blessed be the Lord God of Shem, and Cathe land of Ham, as is often called in Scripture; naan shall be his servant. God shall enlarge and for many years it was a great and flourish-Japheth, and he shall dwell in the tents of 'ing kingdom; but it was subdued by the Per- 'Shem, and Canaan shall be his servant." 'sians, who descended from Shem, and afterThe historical part of scripture, by its dewards by the Grecians, who descended from scribing so particularly the respective settleJapheth; and from that time to this it hath con'ments of the descendants of Noah, "after their 'stantly been in subjection to some or other of the generations in their nations," affords to this day 'posterity of Shem or Japheth. The whole con- the means of trying the truth of the prediction, tinent of Africa was peopled principally by and of ascertaining whether the prophetic charthe children of Ham: and for how many agesacter, as given by the patriarch of the post-diluhave the better parts of that country lain under vian world, be still applicable to the inhabitants "the dominion of the Romans, and then of the of the different regions of the earth which were 'Saracens, and now of the Turks? in what wick-peopled by the posterity of Shem, of Ham, and 'edness, ignorance, barbarity, slavery, misery, of Japheth. The Isles of the Gentiles, or the live most of the inhabitants? and of the poor countries beyond the Mediterranean, to which negroes how many hundreds every year are sold they passed by sea, viz: those of Europe, were and bought like beasts in the market, and are divided by the sons of Japheth. The descen'conveyed from one quarter of the world to do dants of Ham inhabited Africa and the south'the work of beasts in another? 'western parts of Asia. The families of the Ca'naanites were spread abroad. The border of the 'Canaanites was from Sidon. The city of Tyre 'was called the daughter of Sidon; and Car'thage, the most celebrated city of Africa, was 'peopled from Tyre. And the dwellings of the "God prefers Shem to his elder brother Ja-sons of Shem were unto the east, or Asia. The pheth, as Jacob was afterwards preferred to particular allotment, or portion of each, "after Esau, and David to his elder brothers, to show their families, after their tongues, in their counthat the order of grace is not always the same tries, and in their nations," is distinctly speci'as the order of nature. The Lord being called 'fied. And although the different nations dethe God of Shem particularly, it is plainly inti-scended from any one of the sons of Noah have mated that the Lord would be his God in a par-intermingled with each other, and undergone 'ticular manner. And accordingly the church many revolutions, yet the three great divisions "Nothing can be more complete than the exe'cution of the sentence upon Ham as well as 'upon Canaan." * * I quote the following ftom page 20: |