In support of his amendment [H. OF R. ed of by the Clerk) conditioned for the good behavior of perior Courts in each of the territorial districts, and the such negro or mulatto, and moreover to pay for the sup- Circuit Courts, and other courts of the United States, of port of such person, in case he, she, or they, should here- similar jurisdiction in criminal causes, in each district of after be found within any township in this State, unable to the United States in which any offender against this act support themselves; and if any negro or mulatto person shall be first apprehended or brought for trial, shall have, shall migrate into this State, and not comply with the pro- and hereby are invested with, full power and authority to visions of this act, it shall be the duy of the overseers of hear, try, and punish, all crimes, offences, and misdemeanthe poor of the township where such negro or mulatto-ors against this act; such courts proceeding in the same person shall be found, to remove him immediately, as pau- manner as if such crimes, offences, and misdemeanors, had pers are removed." This act goes on farther to impose a been committed within the bounds of their respective disfine of one hundred dollars on any person or persons who tricts." shall employ a negro or mulatto contrary to the aforesaid provision, and liable always to maintain such, so illegally Mr. INGERSOLL said, we have decided by the vote employed, when found necessary, &c.; and the fourth and just announced, that, if any thing is done in regard to the last section of the act provides, that no black or mulatto Oregon country, it shall be more than sending a party to person shall be permitted to give evidence in a court, or explore the territory. He was satisfied with that decision elsewhere, against a white person, &c. so far as it went: for, from every view he had been able Now, sir, to say nothing about the facilities with which to take of the subject, he was brought to the conclusion, this law may be gotten over, to the great injury of the own-that our interests in that quarter require some further leers of such property in States adjacent to Ohio, it clearly gislation from Congress than the inere sending out an exsets forth what I have already stated, to wit: that negroes pedition to look at the country, and furnish us with the and mulattoes are not considered or treated as citizens--journal of their proceedings. There was, however, an hardly as men, by those I might almost venture to call pre-embarrassment in determining how far we can legislate on tenders to philanthropy, humanity, or christianity. Sir, this disputed ground, without conflicting with treaty it is to be feared too many of them are Christians by en- stipulations. He was satisfied that the bill, as reported, actments of their Legislatures, as they would make the would interfere with our existing engagements to Great people of this District by the enactments of Congress. Britain, and therefore, he could not go for it in that shape. Were I a citizen of this District, sir, or a slave, I would The convention so often alluded to, stipulates that the pray to God to deliver me and mine from falling into the country west of the Rocky Mountains shall remain "free hands of such kind friends. Sir, one word more, and I and open" to the citizens and subjects of the two conhave done. Can any man suppose for one moment, that tracting parties, during the continuance of the compact; either the State of Virginia or Maryland would have con- and neither can recede, without giving twelve months sented to have ceded to the General Government the ten notice to the other. The erection of a territorial govern. miles square, if they had ever once supposed that Con- ment, therefore, and granting portions of the soil as a gress, here, in the midst of their slave population, would bounty to settlers, would be an exclusive occupancy on ever have entertained such a dangerous proposition for our part, in the teeth of the treaty. But while he was one moment? No, sir, the honesty of those days cast a restrained from going that length, satisfied, as he was, cloud over the popularity-seeking policy of modern poli- that the title to the country is with us, he was not only ticians. With a hope that an opportunity may be allowed willing, but anxious, that some decisive act should be done the member to reply, I will now, sir, with my thanks to on our part, which should indicate our determination not the House for their indulgence, take my seat. to surrender one particle of our claim-leaving the ques[When Mr. W. concluded, the hour for the considera- tion of a territorial government to be settled hereafter, tion of resolutions had elapsed.] when the existing convention would not be in our way. For the present, it is not necessary to advance a step farther than the British have gone; but the obligations of interest and duty require that we should go pari passu with the protection of their traders and hunters. The amendthem. They have erected, and now maintain, forts for ment of the gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. DRAYTON] very properly proposes that we should do the same. But they have gone farther than this: they have covered the whole territory with their criminal and civil jurisdiction; and those who resort to it, are amenable to the courts of Canada for all violations of their laws. "And be it further enacted, If any citizen of the United this act of the British Parliament before me, [said Mr. I.] States shall, within the territory or district of country ly-I cannot, for one, refuse to send our laws along with our ing west of the Rocky Mountains, south of 54 degrees citizens, if they choose to go there, any more than I would and 40 minutes north latitude, and north of the 42d de- to protect them by the erection of a fort. It was to meet gree of north latitude, commit any crime, offence, or mis- the British legislation in all its bearings, that he had ofdemeanor, which, if committed elsewhere, would be pu- fered the amendment to the consideration of the Comnished by the laws of the United States; or if any person mittee: and he sincerely hoped we should not give ocshall, within such part of the territory or district of coun-casion for its being urged upon us hereafter, that we have try as belongs to the United States, west of the Rocky at this day waived any of our rights to the territory in Mountains, commit any such crime, offence, or misdemean- question, by silently acquiescing in the foreign jurisdiction or, upon the property or person of any citizen of the now exercised there, or by refusing to spread our flag and United States, every such offender, on being thereof con- our laws co-extensive with our rightful claims. It was true victed, shall suffer the like punishment as is provided by that Great Britain did not, in her negotiations with us, claim the laws of the United States for the like offences, if com- to apply her jurisdiction farther than was necessary to mitted within any place or district of country under the protect her own subjects; but, on the contrary, disclaimsole and exclusive jurisdiction of the United States. The ed any other intention, though the language of the act trial of all offences which shall be committed under this of Parliament was certainly very general, and seemed to act shall be in the district where the offender is appre- be applicable to all persons who might be in the territory. hended, or in which he may first be brought, and the Su-But the amendment he had offered had no such apparent OCCUPANCY OF THE OREGON RIVER. the state of the Union. On motion of Mr. FLOYD, of Virginia, the House ment to that of Mr. DRAYTON: With H. OF R.] Occupancy of the Oregon River. [JAN. 7, 1829. This We But one bearing; it was confined to the protection of citizens of He did not pretend to much sagacity in matters of this sort, the United States, in their property and person. Can but he verily believed that not a twelve-month would Great Britain complain of this? Surely, if the "free and elapse after we should abandon our claim to this position, open" intercourse with that territory, guarantied to the before the mouth of that river would be controlled by British by the convention, in common with ourselves, the guns of a fortress, manned by our great commercial cannot be made secure to them, without carrying their rival. Is it asked what reason we have to suppose this' laws along with their hunting expeditions, we have had The answer will be found in the policy of that nation, abundant evidence, in the repeated murders of our own which is to plant a colony from her superabundant popu hunters beyond the mountains, that our citizens require at lation, wherever she can penetrate with a fleet. our hands a corresponding protection. Besides, Great policy is identified with the immense power which she Britain is estopped by her own acts from complaining of wields; and will be always pushed to its farthest limits. Small our going thus far in our legislation; and more than this, in territory at home, her extensive possessions abroad are he did not ask of the Committee, but any thing less would towers of her strength in every part of the world. No be injustice to ourselves. spot, however steril, is lost sight of, if it can furnish new Mr. I. said he was free to confess, that he never had facilities to her commerce. She will fortify, at the exformed a very flattering picture of the Northwest Coast pense of millions, a rock in the Ocean, if it can be made of our Continent-that is, of its attractions for an agri-a safe resting place for her merchantmen, or a convenient cultural people. He preferred to see it remain a hunting rendezvous for her ships of war. ground, from which our fur traders can draw some of Mr. I. said he would now notice more particularly an the treasures that are now monopolized by the Hudson's Bay objection which was urged yesterday against our esta Company, rather than see it erected into a sovereign blishing military posts in the territory, derived from the State. But, whatever our preferences may be in this re-third article of the convention of 1818, as renewed in spect, it was our duty to protect our citizens whose en-1828. That article undoubtedly prohibits the exclusive terprise may lead them there, and it was no less our in-occupancy of either party, and leaves the whole country terest to secure the harbor which the mouth of the Ore-"free and open" to both. But he did not advocate an gon offers, to our hardy navigators who frequent the coast. exclusive possession, nor does either or all of the amendHe was not anxious to hasten the growth of a new Statements proposed contemplate any thing of that sort. beyond the Rocky Mountains, for he was aware it would only ask to occupy the country in the same way that the have but few ties, aside from its weakness and dependence other party occupy it--not to exclude them. on our naval power, to bind it to this side of the Con- difficulty lies here: we have hitherto found that it is imtinent. Its trade, if the country should ever be settled by possible for our citizens to have a "free and open" intera permanent agricultural population, as it must be before course with the territory, unless they have suitable forts it can grow into a State, would not probably cross the for their protection against the surrounding tribes, as well mountains to come to us, but would naturally seek the as to make an impression on those more distant, who may waters of the Pacific. For all commercial purposes, occasionally visit them. Without some shelter of this kind, India, and the islands of the South Seas, would be to a the convention becomes a dead letter to us. If, therefore, thriving population there, what Europe and the Atlantic we have the rights, which all concede that we have, under islands are to us But, although he entertained these the third article of the convention, to an unmolested ocopinions, still, when the question was put--and turn it as cupancy co-extensive with that of Great Britain, the inyou may, it will come to this, whether we shall surrender strument which recognizes this right, necessarily implies this vast territory into the hands of the British, or maintain such an occupancy on our part as is now proposed: for our own jurisdiction there, he was ready to give a positive the country, filled with savages as it is, will admit of no and decisive answer. It should not, with his consent, go other. Taking the article even by itself, there was no into the hands of a foreign Power. That country once difficulty in the case. It should be remembered that we annexed to Canada, with its formidable Indian tribes in the do not propose to send a garrison into the country to drive train of the agents of the Hudson's Bay Company, would the British out, but merely to let our own citizens in. If, be to our advancing frontiers, what Canada has been in however, there were any doubts in looking at this clause all our Indian wars. Sir, we are not without experience by itself, those doubts have certainly been removed by on this subject. The history of our Western settlements the British themselves. They have put both a verbal and gives us ample evidence of Indian aggressions, stimulated a practical construction on the article which has been by the influence of white men within the bounds of Cana- here interposed, that frees us from all embarrassment in da. We have felt this hidden influence in all our frontier arriving at its true meaning. They have erected and contests, from the days of the Revolution down to the now maintain a chain of posts, extending from Canada to declaration of the late war with England, or rather to the the waters of the Oregon, or Columbia River. But, it is battle of Tippecanoe, which shortly preceded it. Nor asked, were their forts rected anterior to, or since, the have we since ceased to feel its effects--you felt it to the date of the convention? So far as the argument is con quick, on the frontiers, throughout the war with England, cerned, it was no sort of consequence when the forts were and you feel it now; yes, in the very territory about which built, if they have been strengthened since the date of the we are told not to legislate, our citizens are shot down by In-convention, and are now maintained, which is not denied. dians, armed with British rifles. And with these facts staring If an occupancy, protected by a military post, is inconus in the face, are we to hold back and hesitate, lest we sistent with the terms of our engagement, as has been give offence to the British Government, in deciding to urged, then it was the duty of Great Britain, after signing protect our citizens by the establishment of a fort, or the the article in question, to dismount her guns, and abandon extension of our laws into this territory? Let it not be the posts. She did not do it, and cannot now complain of said that the soil of the country is not sufficiently in- our adopting her own practical construction. But we do viting (it was called the other day, in debate, a region of not stop here. The British negotiators have admitted to "pennyroyal") to induce the British to occupy it. To our minister that they do not object to our erecting forts. say nothing of the immense fur trade derived from the This is abundantly evident in the letters of Mr. Gallatin, country, the harbor at the mouth of the Oregon, com- of the 2d and 20th of December, 1826, which had been manding the upper country, convenient in its position in already, in course of the debate, brought more particularly reference to India, the Sandwich Islands, the new nations to the notice of the Committee. Thus much for the unbounding on the West Coast of our Continent, presented derstanding of this subject by the British authorities. How sufficient attractions for the colonial grasp of Great Britain. has it always been considered by our own Government? JAN. 7, 1829.] Occupancy of the Oregon River. [H. of R. and upon its banks? Can any distinction be drawn between convoying our citizens upon the ocean, the common highway of all, and protecting them in a territory, which is common to Great Britain and to ourselves? Gentlemen will surely not continue to urge that we cannot erect a fortress west of the Stony Mountains, without impugning our treaty with Great Britain, if it can be made apparent that this right has, by Great Britain herself, been unequivocally conceded to us. The convention was first formed in 1818, under the ad- Mr. D. added, that it was his intention, when he rose, ministration of Mr. Monroe, and while Mr. Adams was to have occupied the time of the Committee no longer Secretary of State. But so far from their supposing that than to enable him to explain the modifications of his own the establishment of military posts would interfere with amendment, and to suggest to the gentleman from Connecthe third article, we find Mr. Monroe recommending ticut the modification of his, which he had noticed. But, the measure in 1822, and the present Executive did the as I am upon the floor, I will, in a few words, reply to some same, in his message at the opening of the nineteenth of the objections which have been made to the amended Congress. The British Government have, therefore, not bill. I did not suppose, after the discussion which has been only told us what their construction of the article is, but had, that our right to adopt the course provided for in the they have been fully apprised of our construction of it, by bill would have been doubted. If we are entitled to octhe Executive recommendations just referred to. And cupy the territory, can it be questioned that we may renyet, with a full knowledge of all that we have contemplat-der that occupation secure from the attacks of barbarous ed and all that we now propose, that Government renewed hordes, or jealous rivals? Is not the most appropriate mode the convention with us during the last year, without hint- for this end the employment of our military force, if withing a syllable of complaint. After this, it is too late to out it that end cannot be obtained? Were our merchantanticipate such objections from that quarter. men to sail up the Oregon, to traffic with the inhabitants of A few words as to what was intimated by the gentleman its borders, would it be denied that their navigators might from Missouri, [Mr. BATES] that our existing criminal laws be protected by our national ships? And, in principle, is are sufficient to protect our citizens in the Indian country there any difference between land and naval protection, beyond the Rocky Mountains, and he would be done with between defending our citizens within the waters of a river the subject. Our criminal code extends to places under the "sole and exclusive" jurisdiction of the United States; but the country to which this amendment is applicable, is not under our sole and exclusive jurisdiction; it is held by us as tenants in common with a foreign Power, and our laws cannot reach there, unless extended by a new act. We have, it is true, also provided for the protection of our citizens when visiting Indian nations with whom we have treaties, but we have no treaties with the tribes beyond the Rocky Mountains. No part of this region is reached Mr. Rush, our minister at the Court of London, in a letby our criminal laws. It was to supply what here appear-ter written by him to our Secretary of State, dated 14th ed to be wanted, and at the same time to give measure for February, 1818, says, “Lord Castlereagh admitted, in measure with the British Government, that he had framed the most ample extent, our right to be re-instated, and to the amendment, and which he hoped would be, by the be the party in possession, while treating of the title." Committee, favorably received. In October of the same year, a few months after this conMr. DRAYTON now modified his amendment as fol-versation, the convention was signed at London (one of fows: by striking out, in sixth and seventh lines of the first the subscribers to which was Mr. Rush) by the third artisection, "not exceeding four hundred men," and inserting, cle of which it was agreed that the harbors, bays, &c. &c. "to give effectual protection to our citizens, in their com- should be "free and open" for the term of ten years, mercial or other pursuits." to the citizens and subjects of the two Powers. Shortly after the execution of the convention Great Britain despatched a naval officer, expressly to deliver possession of the country to our agent. By that officer, it was deliverMr. DRAYTON said that he had made these modifica- ed to Mr. Prevost, as the agent of the United States, and tions in the first section, because it appeared to him that a his receipt for it was taken in formal terms. We have limitation, in the law, of the number of troops to be em- then the verbal admission of the British minister, that we ployed, would infringe upon the power of the President, were to be considered the party in possession; the treaty, who is authorized, by the constitution, to exercise his dis- which contains nothing impairing this admission; and the cretion in judging of the military force necessary to effect solemn delivery of the territory by the British Governan object, within the sphere of his duties; and because, by ment, in perfect accordance with, and in corroboration of, expressing in the law the precise purpose for which a for- the previous official admission. Were Great Britain now tress would be garrisoned, no ground could remain for ex- to remonstrate against our acting in a manner consistent ception, even with those who were most apprehensive with her official declarations and her official conduct, that we should violate our stipulation in the convention of whilst all that the convention requires is preserved to her, 1818. It would thus be evident that we did not contem-she, not the United States, would be guilty of a breach of plate going beyond Great Britain; and, as we did not regard contract. I would not advocate any proceeding of our her act to be a departure from the meaning of the con- Government which should infringe upon the law of nations vention, she could not justly be offended at our following, or upon a treaty; but I should be as unwilling to refrain whilst we did not pass beyond, her example. The add:- from those measures which our duty to our fellow citizens tional words, in the second section, were inserted, because, demand from us, merely because, upon a strained and without adequate military protection, the personal safety perverted construction of our compact, we are presumed of our engineers would be endangered. to impair its obligations. By inserting in the fourth line, second section, after the word "select," the following, "accompanied by a suitable military escort." Mr. D. did not object to the amendment of the gentle- I am opposed to giving the notice of twelve months to man from Connecticut, [Mr. INGERSOLL] provided so much Great Britain, which the gentleman from Maryland conof it should be stricken out as made British subjects amen- siders would be requisite, according to the convention of able to our tribunals. We certainly should not admit 1828; because it would be unnecessary, and productive of the right of Great Britain to legislate for us, and to render delay, and, perhaps, of serious consequences. The fact our citizens, responsible to her courts: upon a parity of of the passage of this bill, should it become a law, would be reasoning, therefore, we could not render her subjects known to the British minister residing in Washington. Were responsible to our jurisdiction. He submitted it to the we to give information of it finally, we must wait until the consideration of the gentleman from Connecticut so to communication had been forwarded to the Court of London, modify his amendment as to erase from it the exception- and an answer to it had been returned, otherwise the noable paragraph. tice would be a mockery. This unavoidable delay would H. OF R.] Occupancy of the Oregon River. [JAN. 7, 1829. be suffered merely for the purpose of informing Great vey of the Oregon territory. After what has passed in Britain that we were about to do that which we were al- this House, such a measure would be considered as one of ready authorized to do, under our existing relations. No- a timid and doubtful policy. It would be considered as an tice is to be given, under the convention of 1828, solely in admission, in the face of the world, that this Government the event of one of the contracting parties desiring to ab- is doubtful of its right to the territory. And what impresrogate it. Now, it is by no means the intention of Con- sion, sir, would such a course of policy make on the Indian gress to invalidate the convention. Were the notice, there-tribes and the British citizens of that territory? In that fore, to be transmitted, which the gentleman from Mary- territory, it is estimated that there are at least two hunland recommends, and which other gentlemen have recom-dred thousand Indians. They are supplied with fire-arms, mended, the inference from it would be, that we were and are under British influence. Emboldened by the ti about to annul the convention, and to destroy the harmony mid policy of this Government, and roused to jealousy by now subsisting between Great Britain and the United States. causes which could not be traced, they would annihilate at The gentleman from New York [Mr. TAYLOR] said, a blow your corps of engineers, proposed by the amendthat if, according to what I had expressed, the country ment to be employed, without any other protection. Such might never be ours, it would be better that we should do an event would unavoidably lead to war between the two no more than explore it, instead of erecting fortresses. Governments. If this Government should establish milita Should the country never be ours, which I believe is little ry posts, with the admission that this is all that it has a to be apprehended, the exploration suggested by the gen-right to do, this measure seems likely to result in war. The tleman would be as worthless to us as if its theatre had been British Government now has military posts in that territory, the deserts of Siberia: whereas, so long as we possess the occupying the most favorable positions. Will they give territory, which will be for many years, whatever may be place to posts, to be established by this Government? If the the ultimate issue of the opposing claims, it is important territory be ours, it is better for us, and would be better that we should adopt that course of policy which will secure for the British, that their posts should be at once excluded. to our citizens the benefits of a lucrative commerce, of Sir, I am opposed, in a case like this, when on all hands the which they are now deprived, and which will be restored to right to the territory is admitted to be ours, to a course them by the protection of the Government. that, by its indecision, invites resistance. The original bill seems not to be understood. It proposes a process of measures, indicating a determination of this Government with respect to its course. One section of the bill provides that the President may exercise his discretion with regard to the event of establishing a territorial government. This would obviate the objection arising out of the existing convention between this Government and the Government of Great Britain. For these general reasons, [said Mr. R.] I am opposed to the amendments offered by each of the gentlemen. After some remarks from Mr. WEEMS, in reply to Mr. DRAYTON, on the subject of giving notice to the British Government, the question was put on Mr. INGERSOLL'S amendment, and carried. Mr. INGERSOLL said that he had intended to avoid the difficulty which the gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. DRAYTON] apprehended, and believed it would be found, on examination, that his amendment was not obnoxious to the objection urged against it. He proposed to punish of fences committed by citizens of the United States within certain degrees of latitude, without going into the question of title. This, it must be conceded, we have a right to do. He had also inserted a clause to punish offences if committed on the property or persons of our own citizens, by any persons, whether citizens or not, if done on any part of the territory belonging to the United States, without defining the limits or boundaries of such part. He thought Great Britain could not complain of this. If no part of the territory belonged to the United States, this clause in the amendment would be inoperative; but if any portion belonged to us, it was right that, on so much of it, we should enforce the laws against criminals, to whatever nation they might belong. Great Britain did not object to our jurisdiction over territory admitted to be ours, as he believed was a part of the country in question, though he thought our title good to the whole of it. What she objected to was our marking out the lines of a new territorial government on disputed ground. Mr. Galla- The last section of the bill was now read, which contains tin, in one of his letters, says it seemed to be acquiesced the appropriation for the expense of the proposed expedi in by the British negotiators that we might establish even tion. Mr. WEEMS now proposed to amend Mr. DRAYTON'S amendment, by inserting therein the following: Add to the second section, "And due notice hereof has been given in good faith to the British Government." This amendment was opposed by Mr. FLOYD, and advocated by the mover; and the question being put, it was rejected. Mr. DRAYTON'S amendment, as amended by Mr. INGERSOLL, was then adopted. Mr. FLOYD objected to this sum as insufficient, and proposed twenty-five thousand dollars; which motion prevailing, the blank was so filled accordingly. The bill, as above amended in Committee of the Whole, was in the following form: a territorial government, if it was not confined "exclu- Mr. DRAYTON moved to fill the blank with ten thousively" to the country in question: that is, if its boun- sand dollars. daries should be described in general terms; "embracing all the possessions of the United States west of a line, that should be some distance from, and east of, the Stony Mountains." That part of the amendment now offered which was applicable to other persons than our own citizens, was in the spirit of the British admission to which "Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa Mr. Gallatin had alluded. But as some gentlemen, friendly tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, to the bill, had doubts, though Mr. J. said he had none, in That the President of the United States be hereby authis particular, he would modify the amendment so as to thorized to erect a fort or forts in that part of the Northobviate the objection, reserving to himself the right to re-west Coast of America, which is situated west of the eastnew it as originally offered, if it should be thought best, at ern base of the Stony Mountains, between forty-two and a future time. fifty-four degrees and forty minutes of north latitude, and [Mr. I. then modified his amendment accordingly.] to garrison them with a competent number of the United Mr. RICHARDSON objected to the amendment propos- States' troops, to give effectual protection to our citizens ed by the gentleman from Connecticut, [Mr. INGERSOLL] in their commercial or other pursuits. because it would be partial and ineffectual for the attain- "Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the President ment of its object. For the same reason, he voted against be, and he is hereby, authorized to cause the aforesaid the amendment proposed by the gentleman from New York territory to be explored by such officers of the corps of [Mr. TAYLOR.] That amendment proposed simply a sur-engineers as he shall select, accompanied by a suitable JAN. 8, 9, 1829.] Cumberland Road.-Arkansas Territory.--Oregon River.-District Slavery. military escort, and that he may delay sending thereto any of the troops of the United States until after such exploration shall have been made. [H. of R. On this motion, Mr. WOODCOCK demanded the yeas and nays, and they were ordered by the House. Being taken, they stood as follows: yeas, 66-nays, 107. So the House refused to lay the resolutions of Mr. MINER, with their preamble, upon the table. The hour allotted to reports and resolutions having now expired, the subject was laid over until to-morrow. Mr. WICKLIFFE moved to suspend the rule respecting the hour, for this day. He did so, he said, in mercy to the House, that the subject might, if possible, be finished now. But the motion did not prevail. TERRITORY OF ARKANSAS. "Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, If any citizen of the United States shall, within the territory or district of country lying west of the Rocky Mountains, south of 54 degress and 40 minutes of north latitude, and north of the 42d degree of north latitude, commit any crime, offence, or misdemeanor, which, if committed elsewhere, would be punished by the laws of the United States; or, if any person shall, within such part of the territory or district of country as belongs to the United States, west of the Rocky Mountains, commit any such crime, offence, or misdemeanor, upon the property or person of any citizen The House then took up the bill, returned from the of the United States, every such offender, on being thereSenate, "to authorize the citizens of the Territory of Arof convicted, shall suffer the like punishment as is vided by the laws of the United States for the like offen-kansas to elect certain officers," together with sundry amendments. ces, if committed within any place or district of country under the sole and exclusive jurisdiction of the United States. The trial of all offences which shall be committed under this act shall be in the district where the offender is apprehended, or into which he may first be brought, and the Supreme Courts in each of the territorial districts, and the Circuit Courts, and other Courts of the United States, of similar jurisdiction in criminal causes, in each district of the United States in which any offender against this act shall be first apprehended, or brought for trial, shall have, and hereby are invested with, full power and authority to hear, try, and punish all crimes, offences, and misdemeanors, against this act; such Courts proceeding in the same manner as if such crimes, offences, and misdemeanors, had been committed within the bounds of their respective districts. "Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That, to carry into effect the provisions of this act, the sum of twenty-five thousand dollars is hereby appropriated, to be paid out of any money in the Treasury, not otherwise appropriated.’ CUMBERLAND ROAD. دو Mr. BARBOUR, from the Committee on the Judiciary, explained the several amendments, and moved their adoption by the House, with one slight modification. nul the act of the Legislative Council of Florida, fixing the A desultory debate arose on that one which goes to anseat of justice in Jackson county. This was objected to by Messrs. VINTON and STRONG, as rescinding an act of a local character, in which the Council had not exceeded its authority. This, they insisted, Congress ought never It would lead to endless applications from the citizens of the Territories on questions purely local, and amendment was defended by Messrs. P. P. BARBOUR, greatly encumber the legislation of this House. by the Council, with an affair which properly pertained to WHITE, and ISACKS, as being an improper interference, the people of each county to settle for themselves. to do. The This was the only instance in which such interference had taken place. The amendments were finally concurred in. THE OREGON BILL. The bill for the occupation of the Oregon River came up, as reported by the Committee of the Whole, with the amendments. Mr. TAYLOR, adverting to the vote of 61 to 60, by which his amendment had been rejected in Committee, now offered it again, and demanded that the question upon its adoption be taken by yeas and nays. They were ordered by the House, and being taken, were as follows: yeas, 72-nays, 84. So the amendment was rejected. Mr. FLOYD moved to amend the bill in its first section, by inserting a clause, directing the President to erect one of the Forts within tide-water on the Oregon, and to call it Astoria. Before the bill was ordered to its third reading, FRIDAY, JANUARY 9, 1829. SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. The preamble and resolutions on this subject offered by Mr. MINER, coming up as the unfinished business of yes Mr. BARTLETT expressed a hope that Mr. MINER would consent to withdraw the preamble, and thereby re-terday morning, move the chief cause of objection. Mr. M. declining to do so, Mr. WICKLIFFE inquired of the Chair whether the previous question would not supersede the motion he had made for striking out the preamble? The SPEAKER replied in the affirmative. Mr. WEEMS hoped the gentleman from Georgia would withdraw the motion for the previous question, as he felt assured the gentleman from Pennsylvania was desirous of replying to what he had advanced. Mr. ALEXANDER then moved to lay the preamble and resolutions upon the table. Mr. WRIGHT, of Ohio, moved to amend the preamble, by inserting in its commencement, the words, "it is alleged that," so as to change the statements it contained from the form of a direct assertion of fact, to a statement of allegations merely. Mr. MINER accepted this amendment as a modification of what he had offered. Mr. WILDE, after a few introductory remarks, now moved the previous question. This motion was sustained by the House. Mr. WICKLIFFE then demanded that the question be divided, and the vote taken first on the preamble, which |