the tug "Commodore" attempted to make her fourth trip with war supplies, but was detained by the Federal authorities. On Oct. 30 the Dauntless" undertook to make her third trip, but was also prevented by the United States authorities. On Nov. 8 the "Three Friends" was again prevented from taking an expedition from Florida, but on Dec. 14 succeeded, on the pretense of proceeding on a wrecking trip, in taking on board at Fernandina about 40 men, with arms and ammunition. Proceeding around the west end of Cuba, she attempted to land these arms at the mouth of the San Juan river, but was fired upon by two Spanish patrol boats. The fire was returned, and without damage the filibuster made her escape. The expedition returned to Florida and was landed on No Name Key. A few days later the "Dauntless" slipped out of Jacksonville, picked up the expedition at No Name Key, and conveyed it to Cuba, landing it on the coast of Corrientas Bay. On Feb. 27, 1897, the steamer "Laurada” again made a successful trip with Carlos Roloff in command. This expedition consisted of 40 men with an important cargo of munitions and dynamite. She landed in Baines, taking care before landing to place three lines of torpedoes in the entrance to the harbor, in case there should be a surprise. For some time this point seemed to be left in the possession of the rebels, but when the authorities in Cuba were notified by the Spanish legation in the United States successful operations were carried through against Baines by the Spaniards. On her return the "Laurada" was libeled in Wilmington. On March 3 another expedition was planned by the steamer "Monarch" in Pensacola, but she was detained twice by the cruiser "Marblehead," and the expedition was disbanded. After the failure of this expedition the "Monarch" went to sea and, receiving coal in the Gulf, took on board an expedition near Punta Gorda, Fla., which she succeeded in debarking in Pinar del Rio. The greater part of the cargo was captured by the Spaniards a month later. On March 30 the steamer "Monarch" made her third trip to Cuba. On her return the vessel was to take an expedition which was being prepared at Miami, and, having received information that she would coal at Bahia Honda, the authorities were advised to send a revenue cutter, which seized her there and brought her to Key West with five men, who said they were passengers. Bermuda," having secured a new register in Halifax, attempted to assist in the expedition that carried Roloff to Cuba, Feb. 27. After being detained in St. George, island of Bermuda, she went to Fernandina, but was not permitted to sail thence until her captain had made oath that he would not take part in any filibustering expedition-an oath which he had taken before leaving Philadelphia. On April 3, upon complaint of the consul in Jacksonville, the cruiser "Vesuvius" seized the tug "Alexander Jones," which was loading the Bermuda" with coal and provisions. The latter was not seized because she was beyond the three-mile limit. The steamer which was to take the arms to the Bermuda " was warned while lying at Fernandina, as were also Sanguily, Lechuga, and 50 expeditionaries, and in consequence none of them joined the "Bermuda." The expeditionaries of the preceding expedition left Jacksonville on a special train for Palm Beach, but the authorities were advised that they were waiting at the station and the train did not proceed. Afterward Emilio Nuñez landed from the "Bermuda," and was detained by the health of ficers: the "Bermuda" cruised around several days, loaded with coal and provisions, and sailed to Samana, where she was searched by the Dominican

The steamer

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authorities, who had been notified by the legation through the resident Spanish consul. At the same time the cruiser" Isabella II" arrived from Porto Rico, under orders of the Governor General of Cuba, to whom these facts had been communicated. The "Bermuda" then sailed to Port Antonio, Jamaica, where she was detained by the authorities, it being expected that her British register would be again revoked. On May 20 the tug Alexander Jones" towed the schooner "John D. Long," loaded with war supplies, and met the Dauntless" at Rock key. The "Dauntless" took the arms and made two trips to Cuba, landing her cargo successfully. On May 30 the "Dauntless" undertook her sixth filibustering trip, but, being pursued by the Marblehead," threw overboard her cargo and was captured. The last reported filibustering expedition was that of the "Silver Heels," a schooner from New York, on Oct. 17, in combination with the “Dauntless."

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The Cuban Junta in New York, led to the belief that Maximo Gomez was the man to master the situation in Cuba, made strenuous efforts during the summer of 1896 to fit out expeditions that the necessary war material might be landed for what they supposed would be the fall campaign. This is shown by the documents captured by the Spaniards, from the expedition landed on the San Juan river, which was in charge of one Betancourt, who refused after the expedition was landed to allow the American gunner Fredericks to fire and sink the Spanish patrol boat, which came into the river, landed its crew of 12, and carried off the supplies that had been landed thirty-six hours previously. By these documents it is shown that the junta held a meeting "on the 16th of July, 1896, in the city of New York," for the purpose of devising means "of collecting in a short time the resources of money necessary to send to Cuba in the next months arms and munitions of war in the greatest possible quantity." In ignorance of the situation in the island, the committee looked toward the sugar industry of Cuba as a means of raising these funds, and decided to publish a decree in the city of New York "prohibiting work on the coming crop in Cuba." Then it was proposed to permit secretly "the least possible number of plantations to grind," imposing upon them a tax of "50 cents for each bag of sugar worked out, paid in advance immediately in American money." It was also. provided that planters who had previously made sugar in violation of the decree should be forced to pay at the rate of 50 cents a bag for their previous crop before they would be allowed the privilege of making another crop; and to all planters who respected these decrees the delegation would guarantee, in the name of the republic, "the respect of the Cuban forces for their property and the protection of the work of making the crop and the preparation to grind." In a letter dated New York, July 22, 1896, addressed to Gen. Maximo Gomez, by T. Estrada Palma, it was declared that "every kind of diligence is used to supply you with arms and ammunition. From the 31st of June to the 6th of July 400,000 cartridges and 600 rifles have been landed, among them 400 Mausers, nearly 2,000 pounds of dynamite, wires, electric batteries, machetes, medicines, etc. But our earnest desires and diligence are dashed to pieces against the scarcity of funds which threatens. In virtue of this state of affairs we must solve the problem in this way: The campaign of the approaching dry season may be decisive in our favor if our army should find itself well provided with arms and ammunition. In this case the enemy's army, so far from gaining the least advantage, would suffer considerable losses, and then when the end of the campaign arrives with no fa-

vorable results for the Spanish arms the Spaniards resident in Cuba and the Government of Madrid will have lost all hope of suffocating the revolution, the latter will have exhausted every resource to which it has turned, and will lack means to continue the war. It is therefore indispensable from every point of view to obtain money sufficient to land in Cuba before November 5,000 rifles and some millions of cartridges. My efforts to place our bonds and to contract loans in the United States, London, and Paris have been fruitless. After many promises unfulfilled and hopes vanished, we have arrived at the conviction that we shall obtain nothing in this way; and as patriotic gifts are extremely deficient, there remains no way other than that of taxing the approaching sugar harvest. By the accompanying documents you will perceive that I have formed a committee with this object. Miguel Betancourt will tell you who form it. If you and the Government sanction the idea we shall have within a month at least $200,000, assuring thus the continuance of the campaign and of the economic disturbance in the island; no grinding, therefore, should be allowed except in those few sugar works that will advance a portion (50 cents a bag) of the tax upon the crop, which amount should be paid directly to the Government, to you, or to the delegation abroad. I beg you, general, to take into consideration the difficulties that surround me with regard to the solution of the problem of pecuniary resources with any other than the one I propose, and which I am already carrying out in the hope that it will be approved. . . . No one will charter us a vessel unless we deposit its value, $40,000 or $50,000, which for the moment we can not dispose of in this way. I am working, however, to secure the Three Friends,' even if I have to guarantee $25,000, and I believe I shall manage to use her again."

In a letter of the same date, addressed to the President of the republic, Mr. Palma complains that 42,000 tons of sugar was made in Cienfuegos and 6,000 tons in Trinidad which, to his knowledge, paid no tax to the revolution, as also happened in the plantations of Matanzas. He declares the necessity of forcing these plantations to pay the required 50 cents a sack to the junta, thus hoping to raise the "$200,000 and more which we must have."

In the meantime Gen. Weyler declared the province of Pinar del Rio pacified, and he was proceeding with his pacification of the other provinces. Setting out with a large force from Havana, he marched along the highway to San José las Lajas, and thence to Villa Clara. As he met with no opposition, his operations were confined to the enforcement of his decree of concentration, by which all noncombatants inhabiting the country were to be brought within the intrenched and fortified towns. His column scurried over the country, burning and destroying everything that might give shelter to the insurgents. Weyler arrived in the city of Santa Clara early in February, and there discovering that there were no formidable bodies of insurgents to oppose his progress, he distributed his troops in operating columns over the entire province, with orders to burn and destroy. To see how well this work was done, he took up a line of march back and forth across the province, attended by his escort of 400 Cuban negroes and a small body of infantry. Nowhere was he met by any determined opposition. Before the end of the month his columns were poured into the fertile valleys of the mountains between Santa Clara and Trinidad, where the most perfect organization of the Provisional Cuban Government's prefectura system had been carried out. Herds of cattle were driven away by the troops, hospitals destroyed, coffee plantations demolished, and potato fields dug up. The noncombatants, employees of the civil authorities, were forced to take to the woods, and when captured were either killed or carried away with the women and children to the fortified towns, where the greatest misery prevailed. Gomez, after sustaining one or two unimportant engagements with the columns operating in his vicinity, ordered his bands in detachments to proceed west and harass the Spaniards at every opportunity. With his escort and about 60 armed men he remained in the vicinity of La Reforma. On March 9 he was attacked by the Spaniards, and the American correspondent, Mr. C. E. Crosby, who arrived the day previous, was killed while watching the engagement.

During the latter part of the same month Gen. Quintin Bandera came from the east with about 250 negro followers, and, going around the trocha

by wading in the shallow water out at sea, joined Gomez at La Reforma. Ordered by the general in chief to proceed to the west, he went as far as the Trinidad mountains, but, failing to meet with support, he returned to the east of Sancti Spiritus, where he was reported killed at Pelayo on July 4. Gomez continued to camp in the vicinity, persisting in his usual bushwhacking tactics by sending a few men to check the enemy when attacked, while with the bulk of his force and impedimenta he would make his retreat through some narrow defile. To the east of the trocha the insurgents under Calixto Garcia took the town of Las Tunas after two days and two nights of fighting. The Spanish guerrilla force of 48 men was cut down after the capture of the town, the insurgents refusing to give quarter.

The insurgent bands in the provinces of Havana and Matanzas, constantly pursued by the Spanish troops, were badly broken up in the early part of the year. Gen. Lacret, who had commanded the Matanzas division of rebels, and who had done some hard campaigning, keeping several columns almost constantly upon his trail, was relieved of his command by Gomez. He was charged with being too lenient with the pacificos, refusing to execute all who were caught violating some Government decree. Gen. Alexander Rodriguez was sent to take command in the province, but he seems to have remained inactive, and the former force of Lacret, either failing to recognize him as their leader or without a competent one, were generally dispersed.

Mayia Rodriguez was ordered from the east to invade Matanzas and Havana provinces, but, unable to muster any considerable force, he was confined to

the Siguanea mountains in Las Villas by the Spantroops.

ish

Gen. José Maria Aguirre, commander of the Havana brigade, died of pneumonia, at Ceiba Mocha, in December, 1896, and his force separated into a number of small bands, the most important of which proved to be that commanded by Nestor Aranguren. On the night of Jan. 16 he derailed a train between Havana and the suburban village of Guanabacoa, taking prisoners ten unarmed Spanish officers and three Cubans. After conducting them to his camp in the vicinity of Jaruco, he set them all at liberty with the exception of two of the Cubans, whom he hanged as traitors. His action in releasing the Spanish prisoners created a great deal of favorable comment for the insurgents. As the year drew to a close, however, he executed the Spanish peace envoy, Lieut.-Col. Ruiz, who went to him from Gen. Blanco with propositions of Cuban autonomy.

In September, Gen. Adolfo Castillo, who commanded the insurgents in the south of Havana province, was killed, and his body brought to Havana. The bulk of his force, consisting of about 400 men, mounted and unmounted, was left in command of Juan Delgado. These pursued the usual tactics of keeping an outlook for the Spanish troops and running away upon their approach.

In October Gen. Parrado with five companies of cavalry and several of infantry left Havana, scouring the country without finding any trace of insur

gents until in the vicinity of Los Palos, where he re-. ceived word that a force under the command of the Cuervo brothers was in the vicinity. Negotiations were opened with them, which led to their surrender with forty men.

In the latter part of November Gen. Pando with a large force started from Havana to carry on operations in the east. He marched across that territory occupied by Gomez without meeting with any serious resistance, and when he reached the Rio Cauto his operations were checked by a scarcity of supplies.

The Question of Starvation.-As the atrocious deeds of Gen. Weyler's most favored lieutenants caused great feeling in the United States, so did his policy of concentration. Upon his arrival in Havana he issued a decree that all the peaceable inhabitants in the eastern provinces should concentrate within the Spanish fortified towns, but this

A BARRICADED STREET IN GUANABACOA.

order was not put into force, owing chiefly to the fact that the insurgents began to put into effect their policy of concentration in the invaded provinces. The insurgent chiefs drove all the noncombatants out of Pinar del Rio, except where the Spanish troops were able to defend them behind their trenches, and in the central provinces they made them citizens of the new republic or hanged them. During the summer of 1896 the suffering of the concentrated pacificos had already begun in those towns occupied by the troops, but little attention was given to the subject. Appeals were made to Gen. Weyler for their relief, but he refused to aid them till their sufferings were such that the municipal authorities toward the end of the year managed to supply the needy with daily rations. These were cooked in caldrons in the open streets and served to all comers, who carried the food away in whatever receptacle they might have at hand. When Weyler decided to take the field himself to operate against the insurgents under Maceo in Pinar del Rio he published his decree of concentration of Oct. 21, 1896. But in Pinar del Rio all the people except his avowed enemies had already concentrated. In the other provinces it was a fact well-known by the Spaniards that no one was allowed to remain outside their lines by the rebels unless there to help the cause of insurrection. Consequently Weyler's determination to allow no one to live outside the Spanish lines. Adjoining each city or town fields were marked

off, called zones of cultivation, and, as the name signified, the land was allotted to all pacificos who chose to cultivate it. Eight days were given by Weyler in which everybody outside the lines must surrender or come in, at the end of which time those still remaining in the field would be treated as enemies to Spain. Weyler's plans were carried out with more or less faithfulness by his various officers. Gen. Moguizo, with his headquarters at Pinar del Rio, sallied out with his troops to destroy and kill, cutting a swath of devastation and fire through the fertile country. For the pacificos he had no mercy, proclaiming them all rebels. On the other hand, Gen. Hernandez y Velasco pursued more moderate means of conquering his foes, absolutely refusing to kill his prisoners, and endeavoring to induce them to see the hopelessness of their struggle against Spain. Other officers operating under Weyler in Las Villas pursued a contradictory policy, some generals refusing to kill noncombatants, others killing all whom they could find except women and children.

The result was about the same, for hundreds of noncombatants were crowded into the towns and cities, and, being naturally an improvident people, and probably sick for their homes mid the green fields of the country, they refused to cultivate the zones allotted to them, and their situation was appalling in the extreme. Some died of pestilential diseases, others of starvation. Sensational reports were spread in the United States that many of them were American citizens, and on May 17 the President appealed to Congress to pass an immediate appropriation of $50,000 for their relief. Congress voted the sum, and three months later Consul-General Lee at Havana reported that he had fed every distressed American that he could find, and had furnished transportation to those who wished it. Of the sum voted he had not expended $10,000. Of the whole number of sufferers whom he had assisted 95 per cent. were naturalized Americans, most of them unable to speak English, and never having lived in the United States, they being the wives and children of men naturalized in this country.

At the beginning of the present year our Government issued an appeal to our citizens for contributions to aid the suffering people in Cuba, and Minister Dupuy de Lome announced that all supplies for the purpose would be admitted at Havana free of customs duties. The steamers plying between New York and Havana agreed to transport the supplies free of charge, and the authorities in Cuba announced that while they would accept such aid from the people of the United States as an inestimable benefit, they would not accept it as intervention in the internal affairs of Spain.

Reform Measures.-Although the insurgent leaders never claimed to be battling for reform, the position was taken at once that Cuba was very much in need of reform laws. Campos well understood that it was not the laws that needed reforming, but the administration, and it was this that he set out to do. Weyler was known to be an energetic officer of the mediaval type, and by his resofute, hard campaigning he had won rank after rank and badge after badge, although it is said that his work was always marked with blood, fire, and desolation. Señor Canovas del Castillo was a firm believer in the generalship of Weyler, and his policy was to put down the insurrection by the force of arms, and talk of reforms after the power of Spain had made itself manifest. Gen. Weyler was the officer to carry out this policy, but instead of carrying it out by skilled military manoeuvres and practical force of arms against the undisciplined bands that were surging over the island, his policy was one of destruction, starvation, and blood

shed. If it had not been for the close proximity of the Cuban shores to the United States, it is prob able that he would have been allowed to continue his work. But the very Spaniards in Cuba who had rejoiced upon Weyler's arrival at Havana, believing him to be the man of resolution needed to put down the uprising, finally protested at his ruthless measures. Canovas, nevertheless, was determined that Weyler should remain to the finish. But on Aug. 8 the Prime Minister was assassinated by an anarchist at Santa Agueda. Her Majesty then intrusted the presidency to Gen. Azcarraga, Minister of War, but it was understood that a more definite change would soon be made. Nothing appears to have been done in this respect until Sept. 29, when the resignation of the Spanish Cabinet was announced. Azcarraga was requested by the Queen to remain in office till the new ministry could be formed, headed by Sagasta, who took the oath of office Oct. 4. Señor Sagasta was the old Liberal leader in Spanish politics, and, though he was a firm friend of Canovas, his policy regarding Cuba was more on the lines of that pursued by Marshal Campos. His advent to power was well received throughout the peninsula, and Gen. Blanco was appointed to succeed Weyler. Blanco, before sailing, announced his policy to be the granting of reforms, fully as outlined by the Sagasta ministry. Upon his arrival at Havana he found the affairs of the island in the most deplorable state. Not only were the starving pacificos, whom Weyler had huddled together in the towns and who had not already succumbed to their fate, crying out for relief, but the soldiers, who had not been paid for months, were scarcely in a better plight. Gen. Blanco immediately gave orders to abolish the concentration plan, declaring that it would never be his method of warfare, as he only intended to fight the enemy, and not the women and children. His Government authorized him to sign a credit of $100,000 to be devoted to the relief of the suffering peasants, and the work of reconstruction was begun. All American citizens who were in prison, including the "Competitor" prisoners, were released, besides many others who had already been sentenced to death. A circular was issued asking all Cuban emigrants, whether they had exiled themselves for political motives or not, to return to the island. Measures of relief were actively pushed by Blanco, who ten days after his arrival, Nov. 11, signed a decree affording every facility for sugar-making and authorizing agricultural and industrial labor. The surcharge of 20 per cent. imposed by the railway companies was suppressed, as also the military meas ures concerning agricultural implements, which practically prohibited the Cuban peasant the use of his knife and machete.

Gen. Weyler left Havana immediately upon the arrival of Gen. Blanco and proceeded to Spain, where his presence created some agitation, but evidently he had failed to satisfy all his Spanish adherents, for several attempts to get up demonstrations in his favor met with poor results. Upon the publication of President McKinley's annual message to Congress, Gen. Weyler addressed a protest to the Queen Regent, which he allowed to be published in the paper adherent to his policy. For this act the papers were prosecuted and Weyler was summoned before the Supreme Court and afterward to the Captain General of Madrid.

The present year finds Gen. Blanco actively engaged in putting into effect the scheme of autonomy, with the home Government sincerely assisting him. Native Cubans have been appointed to the offices of civil magistrates, and a council has also been formed of prominent Cubans to assist in the government of the island. Another $100,000 have

been appropriated by Spain for the relief of the pacificos, and employment has been given to many by the rebuilding of the small towns that were destroyed by the insurgents in their raids during Weyley's régime.

Gen. Gomez from his various lurking-places to the east of Sancti Spiritus still bids defiance to the Spanish Government, with the statement that the Cubans will have independence or death, and all peace envoys are threatened with execution unless the peace they offer be based upon absolute independence. Aranguren, pursued by the troops under Gen. Parrado, has disappeared for the present from history, while Juan Delgado holds forth upon a ridge of country to the south of Havana, where he exists upon the vegetables planted within the zones

of cultivation and runs on the appearance of the troops. In Pinar del Rio the Ducasse brothers and the cruel Bermudez still hold forth in the hills, but without any formidable number of followers to offer material resistance to the troops. Baldomera Acosta, who formerly commanded a small force in the vicinity of Havana, which was most successful in alluding the vigilance of the troops, always avoiding an encounter with them, has made his escape from the island, while Pedro Diaz, who bravely rescued the body of his chief, Antonio Maceo, Pepe Roce, a prominent leader in the early part of the invasion, and many others have failed to turn up and give an account of themselves, while many of their followers, finding themselves without competent leaders, have surrendered.

DANA, CHARLES ANDERSON, an American journalist, born in Hinsdale, N. H., Aug. 8, 1819; died near Glen Cove, Long Island, N. Y., Oct. 17, 1897. He was descended from Jacob Dana, the eldest son of Richard Dana, who came from England and settled in Cambridge, Mass., in 1640. His boyhood was spent in Buffalo, where he worked in a store, and prepared himself for college. He entered Harvard in 1839, but after two years his eyesight became impaired and he was compelled to leave. Several years later he received the bachelor's and master's degrees. In 1842 he became a member of the Brook Farm Association, in Roxbury, Mass., which was formed to realize an ideal of social, intellectual, and philosophical life. His associates in this agricultural and educational experiment included Nathaniel Hawthorne, Margaret Fuller, George William Curtis, George and Sophia Ripley, William Henry Channing, Theodore Parker, and John Sullivan Dwight. The Brook Farm enterprise forms the basis of Hawthorne's "Blithedale Romance," but Hawthorne declares in his preface that none of his characters are portraits. In an address at Ann Arbor, Mich., in January, 1897, Mr. Dana gave his recollections of the experiment. He said:

"Charles Fourier was one of the greatest of theorists on the subject of social institutions and social progress. Fourier's arguments were very striking. In the first place there was the economy of the new system. You could lodge, feed, and clothe a thousand people in one great combined household much more cheaply than when each family had its own separate dwelling. The organization of the Brook Farm Institute of Agriculture and Education' was conceived in transcendentalism, and designed to carry on social life in accordance with democratic and Christian ideas. There had been all the time a notable agitation respecting the unsanitary habits of college students and of people who pursued literature and learning. The argument was, that while any one was pursuing philosophy and literature and philology and mathematics he ought to work on the land and cultivate the earth. But there was no communism about this life. Individual liberty and independence were strictly guarded. The only thing that had the appearance of communism was the common opportunity of education and a living at the same time. Nobody could get better board than all had. In reorganizing society and bringing it down to the new basis the teaching of Fourier, which we adopted, was that all industries should be carried on in groups and series. One group included the cooks, the waiters, the dish washers. They were organized, and worked to

gether. I know that, because I was the head waiter. And it was great fun, I can tell you. There were seventy people or more, and at dinner they all came in and we served them. It is true that the theory was not always fully realized, but we realized a great amount of instruction and a great amount of satisfaction, and when we finally separated after the burning of our building, in which so much of our hopes had been centered, we went away each to begin life in the world again. I went to Boston to earn $5 a week on a morning newspaper. We all began anew very soon, except Mr. Ripley. He remained and settled up the affairs, and when the business was closed up and all the accounts paid, as they were, we owed nobody a dollar."

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Mr. Dana's first newspaper experience was gained in the management of the "Harbinger," which was devoted to general literature and reform; then he gave two years of editorial work to Elizur Wright's Boston " Chronotype." after which he joined the staff of the "New York Tribune," in 1847. In 1848, the year of European revolutions, he proposed going to Europe as correspondent of the "Tribune. Mr. Greeley opposed this project, saying, Dana, that's no use. You don't know anything about European matters. You would have to get your education before your correspondence was worth your expenses." But Mr. Dana was determined to go, and Mr. Greeley agreed to pay him $10 for one letter a week. In relating this episode in after years Mr. Dana said: "I went over and wrote one letter a week for the 'Tribune for $10, one to McMichael's Philadelphia North American Review' for $10, one to the 'Commercial Advertiser' for $10, and one to the Harbinger' and 'Chronotype' for $5 a week each. That gave me $40 a week for five letters, until the Chronotype' went up, and then I had $35. On this I lived in Europe eight months, went everywhere, saw plenty of revolutions, supported myself there and my family in New York, and came home only $63 out for the whole trip."

On his return to New York he became a stockholder in the "Tribune," and its managing editor. He held this place till 1862, and under his management the paper acquired a large circulation and extraordinary influence. This was the period when the antislavery struggle came powerfully into national politics and culminated in the civil war, and the "Tribune" was the foremost champion in the field of journalism of the free-State cause as against the repeal of the Missouri compromise and other aggressions of the proslavery party. The Republican party, whose chief characteristic was opposition to the spread of slavery into the Territories, was formed