ments, with almost all her monarchs, since her first conquest without a drop of blood of Ireland, are for truth beyond all doubt. She knew well the oppressions and crimes of her sons who settled amongst us, principally for domination and rapacity, for which she never made us, though she often strove to make them, answerable; but whenever she interfered for our good, she was always unfortunate enough to be misrepresented and misunderstood.

Our conduct at three periods only she felt and agreed to chastise; viz. our unworthy insults and treatment to Elizabeth, her darling; our perverseness in the time of Cromwell; and perfidy in the time of James II. But in the bright list of England's monarchs, while there were many, and those of the first order for mental endowment, that esteemed us, and it is doubtful if there was any one that esteemed us, or intended better for us, than that very Elizabeth, there were certainly the Stuarts, who all, except the first, despised, if not heartily hated us-these very men, for whom we sacrificed property, life, and character. For when we were charged and tried for our inhuman massacres in 1641, we pleaded the king's (Charles I.) commission, authorizing us to the butchery. It is not to be believed that he was such a monster, but it is true, that we were ready to do, and did

do this, on what we supposed to be his wish; and such were the men for whom we forfeited all; left ourselves beggars in every thing, in the face of the world, without hope of being white-washed, when behold England allowed us to take the benefit of the act, and it was cast into a mouldering cave of oblivion.

Let us then smile at, but not be cajoled by, Repealers, whose cautious manoeuvres in seducing us into their selfish service, to fight us against the laws of the land, are already approximating a suitable chastisement from those laws which will generously pity and protect us. Let us take agitation into our own hands, in the last days of its existence, for one effort at least to raise from Cape Pleaskin to Cape Clear the deafening shout of truth, honour, liberty, union, and Old England for ever!

CHAPTER VI.

A Reflection-A Remedy-Mr. O'Connell-Declaration in Parliament of his Opinion-opposed to that of all the States of Europe, except Ireland, and of America-Irish modes of Provision-Mr. Sadler-his Motion for Poor Laws-Objections in and out of Parliament-AnswersMr. John Smith-Edinburgh and Cork Foundlings-Mr. Callaghan-Ballyporeen Parish-Con-Acre and Quartermen-Appeal to England-for Pledges-America-Comparative Mortality-Morality-A Problem-Answer-A Cause of Poverty-Mathematical Lines-Irish Townsin Consumption-Jails, &c.-Preventive of BarbarismState of Warfare-Mr. Stanley first passes a Law for Relief-A Proof of almost a total Failure of voluntary Charity.

THE amelioration of our condition is so weighty, so comprehensive a consideration, that we would seem scared from the undertaking, in doubt of its possibility, while we are in the midst of nations who have had more to contend with, but by their good will, perseverance, and religious devotion to man, the true object of religion, have succeeded,

and all think themselves now disgraced by the state of Ireland. It is recklessly asked amongst us, why does not England do this, that, and the other? Good God! what can she do? People often give all the means of being happy to their children; but if they will not be so, what is to be done?

The remedies for us are in our own power, even at hand. But they are at first view of so costly a kind, though they really are not so, that they are always resisted by the generality of Irish landholders; I do not say proprietors, because those, at least the great English ones, are too abounding in justice and goodness, not to give their cordial support to any generous plan sanctioned by the laws. But how can we expect justice or generosity in a country where all was so recently corruption, selfishness, and slavery? Bah!

There are innumerable splendid exceptions in our favour, in Ireland; but when we find the majority of a country confiding in a great law oracle, like Mr. O'Connell, who declares publicly, though he has changed that opinion more than once, that the poor have no equitable right to support from the rich, a principle, the affirmative of which is now admitted in every country of Europe, except Ireland;-why, we must apprehend, unless honest England interpose, that this unprincipled treatment of

the poor will continue, who being a large body in our country, will always present a strong re-action, till at last we shall have the benefit of another famine or plague, which will secure a provision more consenaneous to the holders of such principles. This is the sort of relief that poor Ireland has received from her leaders, her salesmen, often before,

Macies et nova febrium,

Terris incubuit cohors

Semotique prius tarda necessitas

Lethi corripuit gradum.

HORACE.

If, however, these gentlemen could get us into a state of rebellion, in which half of us should be destroyed, the other half might have a better chance in struggling against starvation, for some time at least, leaving also a fair chance to the salesmen to make their profit upon us. 'Tis vain; nothing will do but the English system of poor laws; and as John Bull says, we shall have them complete, and no gammon.

There was no great opposition openly to the measure, when brought forward in the late session of parliament by Mr. Sadler, who has well earned the appellation of a friend to Ireland, deserving well to be enrolled among her representatives: but anti-reformer as he may be, he may well point to