To the post of President of the Assembly, now vacated by M. Buffet, the Duc d'Audiffret-Pasquier was elected by a large majority. This vote, it was remarked, was a fresh confirmation of that of February the 25th. The Duke was a statesman of very decided anti-Imperialist proclivities. A Conservative in principle, he was nevertheless more free from the conventionalities of his creed than most of those with whom he mainly sympathised, and was by no means unacceptable to all sections of the Left. He was considered to be the most independent member of that group which was called "the party of the three Dukes," the other two members of which were the Ducs De Broglie and Decazes. Marshal MacMahon had wished to include him in the newly-formed Ministry, but M. D'Audiffret-Pasquier would accept no post but that of the Ministry of the Interior, and this, after the first acquiescence, MacMahon decided not to entrust to him.

On assuming the Presidency of the Assembly, the Duke said :"Gentlemen,---It is with profound emotion that I thank you for the high honour you have paid me, which is one to which I should never have presumed to aspire. In occupying the Chair, I find the traditions of firmness and impartiality left by my eminent predecessors. I have but to follow them in order to deserve the confidence you have shown in me. I should, however, despair of worthily fulfilling the task imposed on me did I not know that you feel that it is more than ever necessary further to increase the authority of your decisions by the calmness and dignity of your deliberations. It is to this government of the country by itselfto this parliamentary system so often calumniated that France was indebted in the past for prosperous and glorious days following grievous disasters; it is owing to it that four years ago the nation surmounted the hardest trials a nation can undergo; it is to this system that by your recent decision you have confided the future. You have not forgotten what the surrender of public liberties may cost a country, and it will be the honour of this Assembly to have restored and respected them; and as you wish, gentlemen, by your moderation to render them every day dearer to your country, let us prove to it that the surest guarantee of order and security which it so much needs is liberty. Such are my most cherished recollections and convictions, and I beg you not to doubt my entire devotion to ensure their defence."

The speech was warmly applauded by the Left and Left Centre, but was received with silence by the other sections.

Four days afterwards the Duke had occasion to show his tact in the discharge of his duties. Just as the Assembly was about to separate for its two months' holiday, a question on the suppression of the outstanding elections during the remainder of the present Chamber's existence was about to lead to an ill-timed discussion, and in all probability to an exciting incident, when the Duc d'Audiffret-Pasquier, glancing at the exhausted Order of the Day, and doubtless thinking that the best means of obtaining a sitting

without "incident" was to prevent any incident from taking place, quietly rose, and, before any one could have stopped him, uttered the words "Messieurs, le séance est levée." They had an instantaneous effect. For a moment there was complete silence. Deputies looked at one another and some were about to speak, when several cries of " Très bien, très bien," from the Right put the finishing touch to the President's declaration.

Just before the Chamber broke up, the Army Cadres Bill passed its Third Reading; the vexed question as to whether there should be four or six companies in each battalion and one or two captains for each company being finally decided in favour of the smaller number.

CHAPTER II.

Funeral of M. Edgar Quinet.-M. Dufaure's Circular.-Threatenings from Germany. Constitutional Bills.-Dissolution of old Committee of Thirty, and appointment of new Committee.-Scrutin de Liste and Scrutin d'Arrondissement.-Debates on Constitutional Bills.-Their acceptance, August 2.-University Education Bill.— Debate on Election for the Nièvre.-Adjournment of Assembly.-Death of M. de Rémusat.-Floods in the Provinces.-Recess speeches of M. Thiers and M. Rouher.-Last Session of the Assembly.-Electoral Bill: Victory of Scrutin d'Arrondissement.-Senatorial Elections by the Assembly.-Duc d'Aumale and Prince de Joinville.-M. Paul de Cassagnac.-Vendôme Column.-Financial Statement.-Suez Canal. — Business of Assembly.-Press Bill. Dissolution Committee.-Separation of Assembly, and parting speech of M. d'Audiffret

Pasquier.

THE establishment of the Third Republic-the Republic of 1875 -and the advent to office of the Ministry of M. Buffet, seems a fitting point of division for the two chapters of our current history relating to the affairs of France.

Before the Assembly met again after its Easter recess, a few incidents of more or less significance in political relations had occurred. First, we may mention the funeral of M. Edgar Quinet, which took place in Paris on March 2, and was made the occasion of a demonstration by the Radical party. M. Edgar Quinet was an apostle of democracy; he had died in the odour of Republican sanctity. Formally expelled from France by a decree of the Prince President soon after the coup d'état, he had returned to Paris after the fall of the Empire, and had been restored to the professorship he had previously held. His death now, at the age of 73, may be said to mark the closing of a chapter in the history of France. At the funeral, which took place on March 29, an immense throng waited for the procession in the Place du Roi de Rome, near the Pont de Jéna, and the appearance of the hearse was greeted by loud cries of "Vive la République!" The crowd, among whom were Victor Hugo in a carriage, Etienne

Arago, Gambetta, Crémieux, Langlois, Edmond About, and the political writers on the staffs of the Rappel, Siècle, and République Française, then joined the ranks of the cortége, which continued to be further increased till the Cemetery of Mont Parnasse was reached. In the enclosure there were nearly 30,000 people, and the police had the greatest difficulty in keeping order. Victor Hugo, who was very warmly greeted, pronounced a discourse, which was repeatedly interrupted by loud applause and cries of "Vive la République." M. Gambetta also spoke; and his expressions caused some apprehension in the breasts of the Moderates who had hoped he was entering on a line of policy apart from his very advanced comrades of the Left. "Gentlemen," he said, "in the latter times especially, differences have been talked of. I wish to explain myself before this tomb, which is about to close for ever on the venerated remains of a true friend whose wise counsels will survive his death. These differences which our enemies exaggerate to speculate upon, which writers eager for false news knowingly distort-these differences have never been able to alter, will never alter our indestructible unity on a common basis. Yes, my fellow citizens, we are, and we shall always remain, agreed to rally round the same flag, agreed to pursue the same conquests, agreed to reach the same goal-namely, the advent of democracy, its definite, complete, pacific installation in the political and social institutions of France, the victory, in short, of a wise and laborious democracy, tenacious and patient, which allots itself the task of obliging those who, to the disdain of their predecessors and of their history, have overrun all France and have thought to govern it as an oligarchy-of obliging them to maintain in the superior interest of our French mother country the necessary union between all fractions of the people, of the great and generous democracy which has inscribed on its political banner this motto which will give us the victory," Alliance de la bourgeoisie et du prolétariat." Three weeks later, M. Gambetta, meeting his constituents at Belleville, had another opportunity of enunciating his fidelity to the democratic creed, while at the same time he defended with statesmanlike sagacity and moderation the line he had taken in accepting the new Constitutional Laws and the Conservative-Republican ministry of M. Buffet.

Democracy outside the ministerial ranks, however, was scarcely so disquieting to the leaders of the present Government as anything like pronounced Liberalism within its actual gates; and an unpleasant feeling, ominous as people thought, of no real coherence in the elements which went to compose the Cabinet, was produced by the appearance of a circular issued by M. Dufaure, Minister of Justice, to the Procureurs Généraux throughout France. M. Dufaure was known to be a representative of Liberal opinions in the Cabinet. But it was somewhat startling to its chief, M. Buffet, who had so studiously avoided the mention of the word "Republic" in his programme, to find his colleague beginning an

address to his subordinate officials with such outspoken statements as the following (according to the version given with mischievous prematureness in the English Times):-"A month has elapsed since the National Assembly, in the exercise of its constituent power, has established the Republican Government in France, presided over for six years by Marshal MacMahon. A provisional state, the inconveniences of which was aggravated and prolonged, has given way to a definite and legal Government." In this circular, M. Dufaure expressed himself as especially anxious to know whether the Jury Bill passed in 1872 had answered the expectations formed of it. If it had done so as regards ordinary offences, had it been equally successful as regards offences committed by means of the press? Next he asked to be told how the press itself had been treated within the several jurisdictions of the officials he was addressing. They were directed to furnish him with particulars of all the suppressions, suspensions, or prohibitions to sell in the streets which had occurred during the last two years. Newspapers were not the only weapon which had been used against the Government. A deluge of photographic drawings and emblems, " in which historical truth is not less belied than patriotism and good sense," had been poured upon the country. Had the distribution of these things been authorized? and if not, what measures had been taken to suppress it? Those who were really responsible for this offence had escaped punishment through a defect in the penal laws; and as this defect must be cured by fresh legislation, M. Dufaure wished to know the opinions of his subordinates as to the form which such fresh legislation ought to take.

Rumours of a temporary split in the Cabinet on this subject may or may not have been well founded. At all events the matter was soon smoothed over, some alteration having been made in the wording of the circular.

The fears of mutually mistrustful politicians were about this time turned into a new channel, which for a while caused sectarian differences to be forgotten. A threatening note was blown from certain journalistic trumpets in Germany, the then pending legislation on the "Army Cadres" affording the motive for the alarm. "Is war in prospect?" was the question put in the middle of April by the semi-official journal called the Berlin Post.

"Recent events," said this journal, "have, unfortunately, rendered it but too probable that the Legislative Assembly of France, being afraid that the Republican majority of the next Chamber will eschew war, under the dangerous auspices of MacMahon and the Orleanist Princes, are anxious to precipitate a guerre de revanche, while a strong body of Royalist Deputies is there to profit by the results for the re-establishment of Monarchy. War, accordingly, is coming on, though the clouds gathering on the horizon may yet be in dispersion. The Austrian Conservatives, aided by influential military circles, are endeavouring to turn out the Andrassy

Cabinet, with a view to take part in coming events in Italy. It is certain that she wishes to make the Pope a tool in her hands, to use him for the exercise of Italian political influence all over the world. The greater part of the upper classes of Italy are ready to join any ally against Germany, whose anti-Papal attitude is considered by them as anti-Italian, and hostile to their national interests. Yet it is by no means certain that the French Government will be able to procure an Austro-Italian alliance just now. If they fail in their endeavours to do so, war will probably be delayed. Things, however, have reached a pass when the German people should be better acquainted with the realities of the situation. It is time to awake slumberers."

The article glanced, moreover, at the visit of the Emperor of Austria to Venice, as an incident showing that the international relations of Italy and Austria were becoming more intimate; it insinuated a possible alliance between the two Powers, of which France might be able to avail herself; and it appealed to the German people to hold themselves prepared by their maintenance of unity among themselves to meet a crisis so fraught with peril.

The North German Gazette, a newspaper of higher pretensions, and of a more responsible stamp, being an accredited organ of the Government, followed suit, and while it spoke of the tone of the article in the Post as exaggerated, endorsed in substance the inferences it had drawn.

In a day or two apprehension was to some extent allayed by the appearance of a disclaimer in the Berlin Post itself, which denied official inspiration for its article, stating that it was merely a note of warning intended to show the sincere friends of peace in France the direction in which the war party there was tending.

Still the situation between the two countries was felt to be one of great tension, which any unguarded or intemperate act might precipitate into a rupture, and certain diplomatic recriminations which transpired between Germany and Belgium about this time did not increase the sense of security in the public mind, inasmuch as they seemed to exhibit Germany in an attitude of high-handed intolerance of any such independent action in other nations as she might choose to consider pernicious to her interests.

There could be no doubt that there existed in Germany at this time a powerful party, comprising the whole military element, which held that their country had concluded a disadvantageous Treaty with her beaten enemy; that the famous five milliards-that monstrous sum the extortion of which even in the eyes of Bismarck himself was to ruin France-had already returned into its coffers; that Belfort was, as it were, a thorn entering the flesh of Germany; that military France was organizing itself, not rapidly enough to become immediately dangerous, but rapidly enough to furnish before long a formidable army to an alliance with other nations; that Germany was not richer than before the war; that her industry, her commerce,