differing prejudices, yet he will find they concur in acknowledging the facts, although they occasionally. attribute to them different characteristics.

They agree that during this period the agricultural and commercial interests were particularly flourishing. From this it has been deduced that an arbitrary monarchy is not opposed to the welfare of the people, and if our view is confined to its effect upon their wealth, we might, except in its worst possible extreme in some eastern nations, assent to the induction. But every reader who has one ray of generous feeling in his nature will at once acknowledge that there are other securities necessary to him, and much more essential to his happiness; the security that the money he contributes to the state is justly demanded, and duly expended in its service; the security that he may maintain his innocent opinions without any danger of being fined for them to a ruinous amount, or of being tortured and perpetually imprisoned for their maintenance. These securities did not exist in the unparliamentary times of Charles; even Clarendon acknowledges that the Council Board and Star Chamber struck at the very foundations of the national liberties, and consequently, though peace was maintained abroad, and riches accumulated at home, the nation could not have been contented and happy. That it was not, is maintained by the fact that the people subverted the government, and strove to replace it by one that promised to be less despotic.

It is the impolicy of the aristocracy of all ages to conduct themselves for the most part as if they considered themselves a distinct race to the rest of their fellowsubjects, and this conduct became so marked at this period they were so overbearing in their demeanour— there was such a diversity in the law that was measured out to the nobility and to the commons-the appropriately named Star Chamber had such respect for those who wore that badge—that the spirit of the nation revolted against those who instead of being its honour and ornament, were in too many instances its oppressors and disgrace. Finally the feeling against them became too soured to allow them as a body any acknowledgment of superiority; and Secretary Nicholas informed Charles the First, in a private letter, that "the committees of both Houses had met at a conference, and both Lords and Commons were bare-headed at it, a private intimation being given that if the Lords should have put on their hats, the Commons were resolved to have done so likewise *."

It will be sufficient to quote two of the most prominent instances of individual oppression that marked this period. Prynne, for the second time, with Burton and Bastwick, were publicly mutilated and consigned to solitary and distant prisons. Let a reference be made to the statement of their mock, iniquitous trial; to the insults offered them by their judges; and to the cruel cuttings and

* Evelyn's Diary, by Bray, ii. 32.

burnings they endured *, and then let the reader ask his heart and his reason if there is any cause to wonder that the people resolved to shake off the government that permitted such tyranny. Many were willing to escape from it rather than to witness the horrors of a civil strife, and many were the emigrants who desired to seek a home without oppression in the wilds of Connecticut. Eight ships laden with these exiles lay in the Thames. John Hampden and his cousin Oliver Cromwell were among them, having actually embarked, when an order of Council prohibited the emigration, and Charles thus unconsciously retained the chiefest instruments of his overthrow.

The persecution of Dr. Williams, Bishop of Lincoln, and at one time Lord Keeper, was another blot upon this decade without a parliament. He had been the supporter of Buckingham, and the patron of Laud; but having too wisely opposed their plans, they resolved upon his ruin. He was accused in the court of Star Chamber of betraying the king's counsels, and the course of iniquity that was pursued by his accusers, from the tampering with his witnesses to the secret advising with his judges, may be read in the prolix, learned pages of his biographer †.

Years elapsed in the pursuit of his condemnation ; charges, against every rule of justice, were abandoned to institute others that seemed to arise from the evidence;

* State Trials, i. 459-482.

+ Hacket's Life of Williams, 112–126.

and finally, not satisfied with inflicting a fine of ten thousand pounds, and committing him to an imprisonment that was to last during the king's pleasure, Laud and others, who were his enemies and his judges, lamented that they could not add to his sufferings by some personal degradation.

Though so much time was occupied in the concoction of his trial, yet when the final period arrived, there was as little lenity shown in allowing time for the defence, as there had been in shortening the period of suspense, when activity would have been a mercy. The following letter to Selden from the bishop will afford some new light upon the subject.

"It is not a voluntary resolution, but pure and (in a manner) last necessity which makes this unreasonable motion unto you. My causes are both to be heard, and the last first. And that with such a precipitancy of the hearing, as, though all men speak loud against, yet cannot be prevented. Upon Friday next they will begin. And although my counsel have certified the impossibility of running over 3,500 sheets of paper, examining and breviating the same; yet upon the king's strict resolution not to change the day, they are so kind as to strive to undertake the defence. To wit-Mr. Gardiner, Mr. Fountain, and Mr. Vaughan. They only desire your company by way of advice, for three days and no more. My house is now private, and one end thereof empty, which would be

at your service. And if your health, occasions, and other respects, will permit you to put upon an old friend this great obligation, you shall never again encounter an opportunity that will more honour you with good and merciful people, and more bind unto you in eternal chains of new affections

"Your somewhat troubled, but innocent and hopeful friend,

"Westminster Coll.

this 9th of June, 1637 *,”

"J. LINCOLN."

The despotism of the government was not confined to acts of individual tyranny, it extended its oppressions to active endeavours to subjugate the religious opinions of the people; as well as to general invasions of their property and freedom. The Scotch nation dared to differ with our government upon ecclesiastical affairs, and our national arms were resorted to and disgraced in the vain endeavour to bring about an opposite conviction.

The attempt to controul by force the religious opinions of the subject also extended to England. Although there was no parliament sitting, the convocation was allowed to continue in assembly, and in 1640, by "the king's majesty's licence," its resolutions, under the title of "constitutions and canons ecclesiastical," were published.

*Harleian MSS. 7001, lxvii. f.