"Thou gracious to the gracious art,

To upright men upright:

Pure to the pure, froward thou kyth'st
Unto the froward wight."

They cannot tell the meaning of the last two lines; yet they sing them to God's praise, and ascribe to God they know not what. The following verse occurs in Psalm xlix. :

"Amidst those days that evil be,

Why should I, fearing, doubt?
When of my heels th' iniquity
Shall compass me about."

They sing this verse in the worship of God, and meanwhile they have not the remotest idea of what they are expressing to God in the two last lines, either concerning themselves or concerning the Psalmist. Take the following stanza, Psa. lxviii. 14, 15—

"When there th' Almighty scatter'd kings,

Like Salmon's snow 'twas white.
God's hill is like to Bashan hill,
Like Bashan hill for height."

In singing the first two lines of this stanza, the worshippers give God the glory of some great achievement, but what it was, or how it was, are all mist and darkness to many. Their ideas would just be as clear if the words were Hebrew instead of their own tongue. The two last lines of the following stanza (Psa. lxxxvii. 3, 4), as used by many devout worshippers, express no intelligible idea

"Things glorious are said of thee,

Thou city of the Lord.
Rahab and Babel I, to those

That know me, will record.".

Look to the first three verses of the 23d Psalm

"The Lord's my shepherd, I'll not want.

He makes me down to lie

In pastures green: he leadeth me

The quiet waters by.

My soul he doth restore again;

And me to walk doth make
Within the paths of righteousness,

Ev'n for his own name's sake."

We never tire singing these beautiful and familiar words. In them we praise God as our Shepherd, and gratefully acknowledge his goodness to our souls. And yet, ask many what they thank God for when they sing, "He makes me down to lie in pastures green: he leadeth me the quiet waters by," and it will be found that they have no answer ready, and have no distinct idea upon the subject. They confess with thankful adoration their own conscious experience when they sing," My soul he doth restore again," &c., and yet if they are asked to tell what particular facts they thus own to God's glory, they can give no answer whatever.

Many who sing these and other passages in our divine Psalm-book do not understand what they sing. They use them devotionally when they have no distinct conception of the truths contained in them. Of course they receive no spiritual benefit at such times, and God receives no glory. This might be expressed in positive and much stronger terms, but we forbear.

Such things ought not so to be. Shall grave and pious worshippers deliberately offer the sacrifices of fools-uttering in God's worship they know not what. Difficulties are to be found in the Psalms, though, probably, no book in Scripture presents fewer difficulties to the common reader, than the book of Psalms. Yet difficulties are to be found; and what we denounce is, that while many good people are well aware of this, and that there are certain passages which they do not understand, they are quite content to remain ignorant of their meaning; yea, they sing such passages in the solemn wor

ship of God, as readily as they sing other passages, which to them are full of light and comfort.

We may understand a psalm or portion of a psalm, and make a most profitable use of it, when we perceive its general drift, and the leading thoughts that lie conspicuously upon its surface. We may worship God acceptably in our psalmody, though we may not be able to expound the psalm, or apprehend its truths in all their bearings. But unless a psalm is so far understood that we can make it our own, the utterance of our own sentiments and feelings, we must be guilty of using words without knowledge; we cannot be said to "sing with the understanding;" and the practice must be hurtful to our spiritual interests, and highly offensive to God.

The Psalms must be carefully studied, if we would understand them, and make the admirable use of them that God intends we should. The custom of prefacing the psalm is exceedingly helpful, both to minister and people; we would be sorry to see it drop into disuse. Help may be had from commentaries; but we think that a brief, popular, and cheap exposition of the Psalms is much needed. Ministers and heads of families may be exceedingly helpful by explaining a word or reference in the psalm before the singing of it, or by pointing out the sense in which it ought to be applied. But with all these, undoubtedly the very best help to the right understanding of the Psalms is, genuine piety, good common sense, and humble, prayerful dependence on the teaching and guiding of the Holy Spirit, by whom they are inspired.

2. When only a portion of a psalm is sung, it should be wisely chosen. Anciently the psalms were chanted, and thus a congregation could sing a psalm of thirty or forty verses without fatigue. But according to the modern practice, of using a metrical version, and psalm-tunes, this cannot be done. Which mode is the best for the great purposes of spiritual edification, we shall not determine. Much may be said on both sides. But meanwhile we see no good reason why there ought not to be, at least, a partial return to the practice of the Presbyterian Church in the first century.

Our service of song consists chiefly of selected passages. We should be careful to select passages in which the subject and sense are complete. We have never seen this rule violated in public worship, but we have often seen it violated in private. Some good men are in the habit of singing the Psalms straight through, from beginning to end, by singing one or two doubleverses, at family worship morning and evening. This practice, however admirable the motive may be in which it originates, makes it often extremely difficult-almost impossible-to sing with the understanding. For instance, the following passage (Psa. lxxxiii. 7-11), in due course, was actually read and sung :

"Gebal, and Ammon, Amalek,

Philistines, those of Tyre;

And Assur join'd with them, to help
Lot's children they conspire.

"Do to them as to Midian,

Jabin at Kison strand;

And Sis'ra, which at Endor fell,

As dung to fat the land.

"Like Oreb and like Zeeb make
Their noble men to fall;
Like Zeba and Zalmunna like,
Make thou their princes all."

This passage is incomplete both at the beginning and the end, and hence it is extremely difficult to make an intelligent and devotional use of it. We have difficulties enough to overcome in our psalmody worship without raising others by adhering to a practice that is often the very reverse of edifying.

In our next paper, we shall consider the exercise of the understanding upon the music.

THE CHILDREN'S PORTION.

SECOND LETTER.

(To the Editor of the Reformed Presbyterian Magazine.)

I HAVE been so busy at school since August last, that I could not send you another letter. I will have holidays soon, and will write you one then; but there are one or two things I wish to tell you, and lest I forget, will put them down now. I scarcely knew my last letter when it was printed. It was just what I had written, but it looked so much better,-my little sister said it read just like a book. She was quite sure all the ministers would understand it, and the little children would read it, and it was very kind of you to print it so nicely.

We liked your story about "the Debtor," in August number, very much. I read it to my mother and sister, and father read it to us all, together with your promise to have something for little children every month. It was very strange you should have been thinking about little children when some were just wishing you should think about them. Father says he has many times seen things meeting this way, and said that God had appointed this in the world, both in things for the body and soul, and shewed me one, Isa. lxv. 24. At one time I thought it was only big people that dared ask God for anything, but I know now that he is willing to hear and help little children. We have sometimes very heavy burdens, though ministers and other grownup people, perhaps, never think we have any. I recollect the day I was so naughty and told a lie, my heart was so heavy. I thought I would not be glad again, but God forgives. Father says the Holy Spirit is perhaps more with little children, than with any other people, trying to get them to be good when young, and he thinks that those who will not be good then, the Holy Spirit may leave them, and they may perhaps never wish to be good afterwards.

The letters from the missionaries made us all very sorry, how the little children away at Aneityum and Tanna would be so hungry and cry, and their fathers and mothers would cry when they had no food to give them, and so many dead and dying with the measles (when I had measles I was very sick, and my throat so sore, and pain all over, though I had a nice bed, a nightlight, and drinks when I wished, and mother ready to do anything for me), but the poor children in these islands were put out of their homes, sick and sore, to lie under the trees and bushes, they would hear the wind whistling through the trees, and the sea roaring-how dreary, how cold and sore they would feel, no one to care for them, or to tell them of Jesus and heaven, or bid them good-bye and close their eyes when they died.

Surely all the children here will read the missionaries' letters, and have them read out round the fire at night, and I am quite sure, if they do this, they will pray for them.

Sometimes I wonder how God allowed such a storm and disease to come upon them when he knew they were so far from people who would help them; and if it was that the people here had not been asking God to protect them. and send his angels to keep them from harm, and if the wicked angels had taken the chance.

A few weeks ago, I commenced geography at the school; and, the other night, father took down the atlas and shewed me the islands of Aneityum and Tanna. How small they are, and so many islands near by them, and all around! He then shewed me Africa, America, and China; such large places they are! How many little children there will be in those places, and how much pain and suffering that we can never know nor help: for, if good missionaries had not gone to Aneityum and Tanna, I am quite sure we would never have taken any notice of them on the map--they are so small.

But you see I have nearly filled my paper, and I had almost forgotten the two things I had to tell you. You promised a portion for little children, in your Magazine, but I have looked every one, and have seen none since August-nor have there been any letters to or from little children. There have been other letters, very long ones, but I could not understand them at all; and, if these have prevented you from keeping your promise to the little children, it is too bad. Father says he is quite sure you have not forgotten the little children, but you have been away, and very busy since you came home. That's one thing; and the other thing is that we intend to agitate (father gave me this big word, and says it means to stir up) for a small portion of one sermon, every Sabbath-day, that little folks can understand, or else a whole children's sermon once a month.

I know there are people in the Church who don't get your Magazine, and do not read the missionaries' letters, I wonder what they say to God when they pray for the missionaries and the poor people away yonder in Tanna and Aneityum.

This is such a long letter, and so badly written, I am afraid you will not be able to print it so well as you did my last one. M. C.

December 14. 1861.

P.S-Father has given me three pounds, which I put in here for two prizes, one of two pounds, and another of one, for the best, and second best, story for children, to be printed in your Magazine, and not more than four pages long. He thinks if there should be twelve written, you might print them all, but you know the best way; but he hopes, and so do I, that you will get a lot of stories sent you. M. Č.

THE WAR IN AMERICA.

THE troubles of our Transatlantic cousins are truly great. War of any kind is always a fearful thing; but the horrors of a civil war, in this nineteenth century, can scarcely be surpassed.

The government of the United States is of a somewhat peculiar character. Each of the subordinate states, into which the couutry is divided, has its own proper sphere, in which it is entirely independent. Generally speaking, all its minor affairs are managed by it in whatever way it may think proper. The government of the United States may not interfere, has no right to interfere, under ordinary circumstances. Its province is to look after affairs of national importance, in contradistinction to those that are merely local. To it belongs the regulation of commerce, the coining of money, establishing of post-offices, the management of intercourse with foreign states, declaring and carrying on war, &c. Of course, it imposes and collects taxes to defray its expenses; and, unfortunately, like other governments, it has the ability and disposition to contract debts.

The origin of this peculiarity is obvious. Prior to the Revolution of 1776, the then existing colonies were entirely separate and distinct. Uniting in the common effort to throw off the government of Great Britain, they believed that the local affairs of each state could, and would be best managed by that state itself. They may have been right in this, and they may not. We confess it looks rather plausible. But, at any rate, so believing, in the Union finally formed the Federal Government by the Constitution received such powers as we have mentioned, while all powers not thus delegated by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people. Some have thought that, because of this arrangement, the United States are not properly a nation, but merely a confederacy. Such a compact is undoubtedly Peccavi.-[ED.]

For the satisfaction of our young friend, we may state that the "three pounds" have come safely to hand, and that we shall be exceedingly happy to devote the sum for the object, and in the way specified.—[ED.]

ess than the simple constitution of an undivided nation; and yet it will be found difficult to define a nation, or a national government, so as to exclude the United States. As a nation, it makes treaties, declares and carries on war. Its flag is found on every sea; its ships crowd our ports; its consuls may be found in our large towns and cities; its ambassadors may be seen at every court; its inhabitants travel in foreign lands as citizens of the United States, not of the subordinate states. The Union is, in truth, much more than a mere compact between entirely independent powers. Such a compact did exist from 1778 to 1788; but it was prepared in Congress, and ratified by the different state legislatures. The decrees of the government, thus formed, operated on the states in their sovereign capacity, and not upon the individual citizens. This confederation proved a complete failure. When the treaty of 1783 took away the external pressure of foreign war, the country was in danger of falling to pieces. Anarchy seemed inevitable. A convention was consequently held in 1787, the present constitution was prepared, and finally adopted by conventions held in the different states expressly for the purpose. The United States are thus not only a Confederation, but a Union. The Union is one not only of states, but of individuals. The Constitution commences, "We, the people of the United States;" not, "We, the states." The government, thus formed, has by all parties been spoken of indiscriminately as the general government, the federal government, the national government. Assuredly, the people of the United States have long imagined they formed a nation, and a great nation. Not an orator or demagogue among them but has made this boast. Peculiar their government certainly is, inasmuch as its powers are by the constitution defined and limited. Nevertheless, it is not correct to infer that it is therefore nothing more than a confederation. About as well may it be said that, because our government is a limited monarchy, it is therefore no monarchy at all.

The cause of the present war has been thought rather difficult to discover. Some imagine the Morrill tariff to be the great bone of contention. The South, it is said, is for free trade; the North, on the other hand, is utterly opposed to it. Northern politicians thus seem to be bigoted Tories, who, under the benign influence of protection, dream of a golden age. In fact, sharp Yankees as they are, they would fain fill their pockets at the expense of the South; and southern men, always fiery in spirit, burn with indignation at such tyranny. They will not endure to be victimised in this manner. They will dissolve the Union-they will secede, aud shed the last drop of their blood, rather than suffer such flagrant and intolerable wrong.

There can be no doubt but that the North is in favour of protection; but that this is the true cause of the war, is more than doubtful. The South, be it remembered, has always belonged to what is called the Democratic party. This party has been in possession of the reins of government for the last forty years. Until quite lately, it had a majority in both branches of Congress; and the president, even when a northern man, has almost always been obedient to the southern will. Of course, then, protection must be a new thing in the United States. Free trade must certainly have been the policy hitherto. The customs cannot possibly have been a chief source of revenue ever since the establishment of the Union; and, of course-to use American phraseology-protection thus being the main plank of the republican platform, must have had directed against it the greatest efforts of southern statesmen. They must have advocated and upheld free trade with all their might. Their greatest speeches must have been made in support of it; their fiercest debates must have been upon it; their disgraceful brawls in Congress must have been about it. Something of this kind must have taken place, if, for free trade, a nation has been rent in twain. Yet, strangely enough, nothing of this kind has taken place. Protection can only be called a question of secondary importance between the democratic and republican parties.

The origin of the present war must clearly be sought elsewhere. Our readers are aware that every state sends two senators to Congress-and only two, whether the state be large or small. It is obviously, therefore, of great importance to slaveholders to have as many new states as possible enter the Unioa as slave