that of other laws equally natural, and equally powerful. And, hitherto, assuredly, it has not been found incompatible with the great vital interests of the South. It has not rendered any one branch of industry among us unprofitable. It has not checked the production of either of the great staples of our country. Any embarrassments experienced by our citizens generally, are not owing to the want of a market, and a fair market, for the products of the soil. Take the average of the last five years, and, comparing the price of our exports with that of our imports the only true criterion-it will be found, that this price is a fair, and adequate price. The difficulties of the times can be fairly traced to other causes; causes, that the Tariff has not created, and which the repeal of the Tariff would not remove.

Now, I maintain, that, in all questions of this sort, they reason soundly, and they only, who reason from the past to the future: from experience to probability. My complaint against yourself, and the other opponents of this system is, that you reverse this order; you take up certain impressions, or maxims, if the term suits better, and maintain that they must, of necessity, operate in a particular way, and be productive of specific effects. I confess I have little faith in speculations of this sort. I have so often seen communities growing rich, when they ought, demonstrably, to have grown poor, that I have learned to distrust the political prophets of the day. These oracles philippise, too, so often, that one should be cautious of following them.

It is precisely in this way, that you and others reason, concerning the effects of the Tariff Laws. And your reasoning has the appearance, often, of resting on what are regarded as maxims in political economy. But these maxims, as they are called, are, in the actual experience of human life, so often set aside, or greatly modified, as to render them rather treacherous foundations to build upon. They are frequently quite inapplicable to the existing condition of things. Societies, and their interests, resemble in this respect, individuals of the human species. They will not grow up, and form their habits and movements wholly in accordance with a pre-conceived theory, however beautifully drawn up. And he, who, in the one case or the other, should attempt, by numerous regulations, to shape the operations of nature to his plan, would be likely to be rewarded for his pains, with an imbecile and dwarfish product. You, at least, will excuse me for regarding these general maxims with some distrust; for you speak with approbation of the Bostonians, as having successfully pursued their true interest in opposition to them. Yet on what does your assumption, that the Tariff Laws, though beneficial to the interests of the North, must be ruinous to those of the South; on what does it rest? So far as I can perceive, on the doctrine, "that the duties on imported goods, are wholly defrayed by the consumer." Certainly, this doctrine cannot be maintained. It is, I imagine, more generally true, that they are divided between the importer and the consumer, in proportions varying according to the fluctuations of commercial affairs. In the actual state of commerce, for some years past, the proportion of the importer has been a heavy, and often a ruinous one. For the soundness of these remarks, I will appeal to every well-informed merchant in the community.

It is not, therefore, in the power of the northern importers, under the

cover of a Tariff regulation, to levy a contribution on the southern planters, from which they shall themselves be wholly exempt.

But, suppose it were true, that the expense of the duties fell entirely on the consumer. As importers, the people of the North would, in that case, escape from the burden; but it would still fall upon them, in full proportion, in their character of consumers—a circumstance, which you seem not to have taken into the account at all. In all the arguments, indeed, which I have read on that side of the question, it appears to have been taken for granted, that the importers are all to be found at the North, and the consumers at the South. A misapprehension gross enough to render all conclusions connected with it of no value.

The most that can fairly be made of the matter, is, that the tax which the Northern people pay, as consumers, is, in a greater or less degree, compensated by the benefits resulting to them as manufacturers.

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I am not arguing the wisdom or policy of the protective system. I deem it sufficient for my present purpose to say, in reply to the assumption mentioned above, that hitherto, the pernicious consequences to our interests, in particular, predicted to follow from this policy, certainly have not followed. When a duty, some years ago, was laid on a particular article-that of nails--a proof, by the way, that the protection of manufactures is no new thing-similar predictions to those we now hear, of enhancement of price and injury to the consumer, were sent forth. Have these predictions been verified? So far from it, a great reduction of price almost immediately followed; while the foreign competition was driven from the market, and could not now regain it, though the duty were wholly removed. Every man's recollection will furnish him with other instances to the same point. I do not say that the restrictive system has, in these cases, effected this reduction of price. My argument does not require this, even though it were true and capable of proof. only say, that this system has not prevented the reduction. It has not caused the enhancement. And this is indisputable. It is as obvious as the light, that with regard to an extensive class of goods, while the duties have, within the last twelve years, been once and again augmented, the price in the mean time, has sunk from ten to fifty per cent. Will it be answered, that but for the tariff, the reduction of price would have been still greater? This may easily be said, I allow, and it happens to be one of those propositions, which it is always quite safe to make; because, whether true or false, they admit not of disproof. But allow it to be true. It is sufficient to my argument to show, that the operation of this system, hitherto, has not been such as, allowing it to be the settled policy of the Northern States, will warrant your assertion, that their interest and ours are incompatible. It is sufficient to show, that it has not inflicted on us any positive injury—that it has not palsied at all the energies of our industry--that it has not dried up any one of the sources of our prosperity. Has it done so? Is it the tariff that has filled the channels of our rivers with sand banks? or dried up the springs and fountains that formerly kept their streams up to a navigable height? Is it the tariff that has rendered it a hopeless undertaking to construct a passable road in any part of the low country, and thus deprived us of the means of ready and advantageous inter-communication between the different parts of the State? Was it the tariff

which induced us to bury one million of dollars of our floating capital in internal improvements; as effectually as if it had been thrown into Charybdis? But I forbear. The causes of our present embarrassments lie fully before the public eye. It were gratuitous to enumerate them. Owing to these causes, other sections of the country have far outstripped us in the career of improvement. Will quarrelling with the Government, think you, regain for us the ground we have lost? Be assured it will do no such thing. It will only divert our attention from the objects, on which it ought, at this time, to be most earnestly fixed. The remedy for our evils-in so far as they admit of remedy, and most of them certainly do--is happily in our own power. The application of it, however, though it may require less of chivalry--for this I think is the word--than the course you propose, will demand a full share of qualities much better than this. But if every tariff regulation that has ever been passed, were repealed to-morrow, it would not better our condition in the least. I return to the subject.

I say not, that in the course of our public affairs, the operation of local interests and local feelings has never shown itself. I say not, that in such a community, and under such a policy ar ours, caution, prudence and skill may not often be required, fairly and satisfactorily to adjust the claims of the different parts and different interests. By no means. No society perhaps, ever existed, in which the elements of interests and feelings were so homogeneous as to obviate the necessity for some degree of these virtues; and something too, of mutual forbearance and mutual concession. But I do say, that the supposition of our interests being "diametrically opposite," is contradicted by the experience of all past time in our history. It is utterly incredible that such opposition does exist, and has existed from the first. I could as easily believe, that a barrel of gun-powder had been on fire under my dwelling for six months past, while none of the inmates were aware of the fact.

NO. XVII.

Whether it be good policy, or not, to encourage their growth by Tariff regulations, it is undoubtedly true, that manufactures are to be regarded as one of the great substantial interests of the Northern States, of the New-England States especially. They are invited to this pursuit, by the exigencies of their condition. The indications of nature, on this point, are too numerous and too clear to be mistaken. It would be strange indeed, if they were not sensible of the advantages they possess, and disposed to make the most of them. Doubtless they are so. They would be wanting to themselves, recreant to their true interests, were they not so.

No person acquainted with the physical features of the country, and the character of its inhabitants, can entertain a doubt, that it is destined to become, at no distant period, the seat of a great manufacturing power. Whether the arrival of this period shall be accelerated or retarded by legislative interference, come it must. But premature, forced, unnatural encouragement to manufactures, will not be likely to has

ten their solid and permanent establishment.

A truth one would think, too obvious to escape the notice of these keen-sighted men. If they yield to the dictates of a cupidity too eager to wait for the natural course of things, they must soon perceive, that they are only marring their own purposes. Any measures resulting from this source, it may safely be pronounced, will be temporary.

But without insisting further on this train of thought, let us suppose this period arrived. Let us suppose the existence, at the north, of such a degree of manufacturing skill and capital, as can fairly enter into competition with those of Great-Britain, in the general market. Is this supposition visionary? It is easy to pronounce it such. But what is prediction now, will, ere long, be history. Else we can never, in any case, venture to read the future by the light of either the present or the past. With regard to the two great articles, at least, of cotton and woollen fabrics, one half the distance to this point has been already past over in the advance of these establishments. N'est que lepremier pas qui coute' is emphatically true in application to this subject. The element on which the Edinburgh Reviewers rest their calculations with regard to it, and which they think, will, for a long time, prevent our entering into competition with British manufacturers, will be found deceptive. Suppose then, this state of things to exist. Let us lay out of our consideration all the intermediate steps, the means and methods -the wisdom or the folly-by which it is brought to pass.

contended, that the actual existence of such a state of things could be injurious to southern interests? I am sure it will not. Is it wont to be regarded as an unfavourable event for the seller, that a new purchaser makes his appearance in the market? Can it possibly be of sinister influence on our interests, as consumers, that a new competitor for furnishing the supply presents himself? Will the fact of the transfer of the market, for a portion of our products, from the eastern to the western shore of the Atlantic--from a foreign-perhaps a hostile—— country to our own, be regarded as an evil? Let us suppose that our consumption of cotton and woollen fabrics were wholly supplied from the Northern States, not by means of legislative compulsion, but on the principle of fair and successful competition. Is it possible to conceive that our interests would suffer in consequence? How should they? That portion of our raw material now shipped to foreign ports in payment of these supplies, would, in that case, be shipped to the ports of the North; and the only difference, thus far, between the supposed state of things and the present, would be that, in the former, the profits on both sides of the transactions would remain in our own country. To us of the South, it could make no difference. There may, indeed, be those who would witness with more pleasure the prosperity of Liverpool, or Havre, than of New-York or Boston. To such these essays are not addressed. I sincerely pity that man, who can look abroad over the fair expanse of our common country, glowing in every part with the smiles of Divine Providence, and feel his grateful emotions checked by the consideration, that a portion of this bright scene is on one side rather than the other, of a geographical line; to the West, rather than the East, of a ridge of land. Such a narrow sentiment may be denominated patriotism, if you will; but the term is egregiously misapplied.

But it may be asked what, in the state of things supposed, should be done with the surplus portion of our produce, that which should remain after our supplies were paid for? I answer, exactly what is done with it now. If Great Britain, at present, takes from us a greater amount of the raw material than she returns us in manufactures, how is the balance discharged? By the payment of cash, certainly. Just such will be the course pursued in the case supposed. For that portion of our produce, which she now purchases by the immediate exchange of her manufactures, she will, in the supposed state of things, have no demand. But for the other portion, for which she now pays cash, if there be such a portion, she will continue to have a demand, and still continue, therefore, to pay, as she now does, cash. The Northern States will have supplanted her in the market only so far as the first of these portions is concerned. Only so far, therefore, will her exports have been diminished. For the surplus portion of our produce, which she now purchases, why should she not still continue to have a demand? And if she has such demand, she will, most assuredly, continue to purchase it from us.

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But suppose she should not. Allow that she may be disposed and able to procure the requisite supply of raw materials elsewhere. the case supposed, there would be no danger still that our crops would lie unsaleable in our warehouses. The manufacturers of the northern States would, by the very terms of the supposition, have taken that place in the market from which the English had retired, and would be ready to purchase our produce for the same purpose, for which it is now taken by the latter, to be wrought up for the supply of the general market of the world. Our danger, if danger there be, lies not in the creation of a competition between the northern manufacturers, and those of Great-Britain; but in the competition, which may arise between us and the cotton-growers of a more favoured climate; a competition, which may very possibly, at no distant period, supplant us in the supply of the English market, in a great degree, at least. This is a danger, to which our planters would do well to direct their attention. Its probability rests on no chimerical suppositions. The causes are at work, which sooner, or later, will probably remove the obstacles, that have, hitherto, prevented this competition from seriously affecting our interest; and when this shall have been effected, it is no very extravagant supposition, that the only market, which will long remain for the raw material of our produce, will be in our own country. There is more than one tract of country on this continent-to say nothing of the Islands-extensive enough to furnish cotton for all Europe, far better adapted to the culture of this article, in respect both to soil and climate, than any portion of these States. The price of land is lower, the maintenance of the labourer less expensive, the soil more fertile, and the crop more sure. The wretched misgovernment of these countries has hitherto prevented the developement alike of the riches of the soil, and the energies of the inhabitants. A change, a most important and salutary one, we trust, is taking place in their political condition, which will hardly fail to operate a corresponding change in their physical and moral condition. When this shall have taken place, I see not what is to prevent them from becoming very formidable competitors with us, in the supply of our principal staple.