Should this ever happen, the cotton planter, of all men, will have least cause to regret the establishment of extensive manufactories in this country.

It is clear then that the actual existence of a great manufacturing power in this country, ought not to be considered as prejudicial to our peculiar interests. And that there is less danger to be apprehended from the measures which may be adopted to cherish and build up such a power, than seems to be supposed, will, perhaps, appear from the considerations that follow. Important as the manufacturing interest is represented to be, and important as it actually is, to the people of the north, still it is but one of their great objects of pursuit but one of their primary interests. They have, too, their agriculture, their commerce, and their navigation and fisheries to cherish; interests you may be sure, which they consider as of no secondary importance; and interests, every one of them, which must be materially affected by any undue or disproportionate encouragement bestowed on their manufactures. Is it credible, that these considerations should not operate as salutary checks on any disposition to crude or rash legislation, touching this matter? Is it possible that these considerations should not tend, in some degree at least, to keep the balance of these interests steady? Now, just so far as they operate at all, they operate, be it remembered, to our security. For, if the tariff regulations have a tendency injurious to the agriculture and commerce of the south, is there any need of inspiration to show, that they must of necessity, be equally injurious to the agriculture and commerce, as such, of the north and east? Should these regulations operate, as you say they must, to exclude our products from the markets of Europe, will the great shipping interests of the east sustain no injury in consequence? These remarks, I repeat, are not intended to show that the protective system is a wise or good one; they are intended to show only, that if it be un→ wise and impolitic, we may safely calculate in our opposition to it, on powerful auxiliaries from among the ranks of our enemies themselves. Or do you imagine that all these powerful classes, embracing ninetynine hundreths of the population, and nine-tenths of the wealth of the northern States, will stand by in apathy, and see their best interests subverted by a handful of cotton spinners, and wool carders; or rush, along with them, with suicidal zeal, into an insensate crusade against those of the south? No, Sir, rely upon it, the true interests of the north and south will be found to be, even on this subject of angry contention, involved together, and perfectly harmonious. It is the veriest sophistry or delusion, to maintain the contrary. The people of the north have it not in their power, by any commercial regulations, to cripple the interests of the south, without, at the same time, inflicting a heavy blow upon corresponding interests of their own. They cannot convert us into "hewers of wood and drawers of water," without stooping their own shoulders to a full share of the servitude. They cannot overturn the fabric of our prosperity, without subjecting themselves to be buried in the ruins. They must be both as blind and as reckless as SAMSON, before they make the attempt.

This is the true ground, on which, if on any, the tariff policy is to be combatted. Show that the system is unnecessary-that the manufacturing interest needs not protection. Or, if this position cannot be

maintained, then show that it is injudicious; that the protection asked for will cost more than it is worth; that it will involve sacrifices more than commensurate with the advantages it offers. Show-for it can be shown that these sacrifices will affect both the North and the South. Do not inculcate the opinion-for it is not correct-that its advantages are to be all theirs, and the loss and injury ours alone; that it will essentially promote their welfare, and vitally injure ours. Such representations, if these people be half as selfish and mercenary as you represent them, will hardly put them out of conceit with the system. No. Take the true ground of debate; draw your arguments from the proper source, and urge them with firmness and temperance; and it is not in the nature of things, that they should be ineffective. They will, in this case, be addressed to a principle of apprehension, in which all men are much the same. Most men, when the storm of the passions is not up, are quick to understand where their true interest lies. But, to begin the argument-and surely we have not quite reached the point for any thing but argument yet-by calling men "avaricious," "visionaries," "fanatics," and "pirates," is not exactly the most promising method-I will not say, of conciliating their good will, but, of convincing their judgment.

To my mind it is as clear as the sun in the Heavens, that this subject has been, and is, most grossly, and most strangely misapprehended. And this misapprehension has given birth to a heat and clamor which the occasion does not call for, and which are deeply to be regretted. They cannot be conducive to any good effect. Most of all is it to be regretted, that these symptoms of undue excitement should have manifested themselves in the proceedings of our State Legisla

These proceedings, or rather the language employed on the occasion, I must think injudicious. Because, in case these high words should prove ineffeetual-no very improbable supposition, certainly-they will, it is to be apprehended, be regarded as having, in some measure, pledged the Government to a course, which they cannot pursue, and from which it may be felt awkward to recede.

There is one other point of difference between the Northern and Southern States, which presents difficulties far greater, and dangers far more formidable to the permanance of the union, than those I have been considering. I allude to our system of domestic servitude.

Far be it from me to enter on any general discussion of this subject. I deem such discussions, at this day, utterly gratuitous. It were well often, if they were no worse than this. There is, at present, no occasion to inquire into the justice or injustice of its origin-we are not responsible for this-into the policy or impolicy of its continuancefor who shall say that the option is in our power? It forms one of the elements in our condition, political and moral; and as such, it behoves us to take a sober and dispassionate view of it. If it exposes us to peculiar dangers, it may be well that these should not be pointed out, and a steady vigilance directed to guard against their approach.

But it can be neither useful, nor wise, to take alarm at unsubstantial dangers, mere phantoms and shadows, the coinage of a disturbed fancy. If this peculiar feature in our policy, presents but too ready occasions for misconstruction, jealousy, and misunderstanding, between the different sections of the country, there is, at least, little good policy or good feeling in sedulously colouring and exaggerating these topics, for the purpose of enkindling suspicion and animosity. These baleful plants spring up from the soil but too spontaneously. It were wiser to endeavour to check their growth. It were wiser to soothe and allay the asperity of feeling, and soften the prejudices which are, but too prevalent on this subject. Neither our peace, our dignity, nor our safety, can be promoted by exasperating them. There is already but too keen a sensitiveness in the public feeling on this topic. It is exactly here that the principal difficulty lies. It It is this very tone of feeling that renders this subject so fertile in conflict and contention. this, that threatens to sow the whole soil of the republic with dragon's teeth, to spring up in due time, in the embodied forms of mutual hatred, and armed for mutual slaughter.

It is

I will not say that this apprehensiveness of feeling is unnatural; but I do say, it appears to me excessive, and, in this respect, unnecessary. and unwise. It is unwise, in as much as, without conducing, by possibility, to any practical good, it throws us open to sinister influences; it puts our tranquility too much in the power of weak or designing men. Any one disposed to rouse the public mind to a state of feverish excitement, because he has had bad dreams, or with a view to some personal, or party purpose, need never be at a loss for the means. This topic will ever furnish stimulants in abundance.

Who among us has forgotten the Missouri question? A question decided in a tempest of passion-and decided as questions in such cases are wont to be decided. It were well if this were the only case in which the operation of this, over sensitive disposition, could be traced. Every thing that tends to exasperate this disposition is earnestly to be deprecated. It is not the part of a wise man or a good citizen, to disseminate suspicion, prejudice, and animosity, towards our fellow-citizens in other sections of the country, by discoloured, or exaggerrated representations of their feelings and opinions on this subject. It is both unjust to them, and injurious to ourselves. No good effect can possibly result from it. It will not arrest one danger-if such there bc--that threatens us; it will not add one iota to our security. If the opinions of our neighbours are crude and prejudiced, on this subject, will this combustible temper among ourselves, be likely to rectify them? or to prevent their expression? A slight acquaintance with human nature is sufficient to answer this question.

I have admitted that the subject is beset with difficulties. It has been so regarded from the first. It has always demanded, and ever will demand, no small share of good temper, superiority to vulgar prejudices, magnanimity, and forbearance, on both sides. Bitter recrimination, and angry collision on the subject, are the veriest folly-a folly, compared with which, vulgar folly, with her cap and bells, is the personification of wisdom.

They may, indeed, by the mutual hostility, they will generate, derive us asunder. They may break up the ground of the social com

pact. This is the very result, which your representatious are calculated-I will not say, intended--to produce. It is on this account that I deem them deserving of the severest reprehension. For, suppose this effect to have taken place-and what then? What shall we have gained? Rather, what shall we not have lost? After the dissolution of the union, we must still maintain with the other sections of the country the relations either of peace, or of war. If the former, the very dangers that now beset us, will beset us then. If the latter, they will be multiplied an hundred fold.

I put out of the question the danger of any direct interference on the part of Congress; for, after all the clamour that has been raised on the subject, it does not appear to me to be wholly chimerical. I can hardly persuade myself, that it is, the subject of serious apprehension to any man of sober mind. It is a convenient instrument for effecting the purposes of a party. It helps to swell the tide of popular odium against the Administration of the General Government; and is, therefore, eagerly seized on by the designing for this purpose. The danger, that, "like a devilish engine," it may "back recoil upon" ourselves, is overlooked: for nothing on earth is so blind and reckless as party zeal. For the purpose of annoying an antagonist, or achieving some paltry triumph, it is ready, at all times, with insensate rashness, to put to hazard the dearest interests of all parties alike.

I have said that the apprehension of interference with this subject, on the part of Congress, is chimerical. I shall maintain that it is so, till I see some solid evidence to the contrary. I have yet seen none. No motive can be assigned for such an interference. But there are manifestly, many and powerful ones to prevent it; motives, which cannot be overlooked, or disregarded. If there is any cause of apprehension, it must be from the difference of feeling and opinion, which prevails in the different parts of our country in regard to this subject. Whatever of danger there may be in this fact, is real for the existence of such a difference is undeniable. But, as it is no new thing, so neither can it be obviated by any changes in our political condition, however great, or fearful. To separate from the union, would not shield us from its effects. By such a step we should gain nothing on this score. Neither can we gain any thing by angry invective, or intemperate abuse of those who differ from us. They will differ from us still. And they have a right so to do. So long as they refrain from impertinent intermeddling with our concerns; and so long as they express their opinions in courteous language; this is all that we have a right either to expect, or require. To take offence at the existence of an opinion different from our own, on any point, or at its decent expression, is both futile, and undignified. It is futile; for we cannot change the course, which the tide of public opinion has taken. Be this opinion correct, or otherwise; be its effects favourable or unfavourable to our institutions, it is idle, now, to think of arresting its current. We may as well attempt to turn back the stream of the Mississippi.

The correctness of these statements will not be denied. There is no part of the civilized world—I mean, that portion of it, with which our principal intercourse, commercial, political, literary, and religious, must ever be maintained--with the exception of the West-India Islands— where the public sentiment, on this topic, is in harmony with our own.

If, then, we are to regard all who differ from us on this point, with sentiments of aversion, we are likely to have enemies in abundance. But is there any reasonable ground for so doing? Ought this difference of opinion to produce hostility of feeling? Ought it to alienate the citizens of one portion of the country from those of another? Ought it to outweigh all the mighty motives and inducements to mutual kindness and respect, supplied by the history of the past, by the experience of the present, and by the hopes of the future? Ought it to obliterate all memory of dangers confronted, and sufferings endured, and glory acquired in the protracted strife, when the noblest spirits of the South and of the North united their efforts, and combined their councils, and cheered each other to the onset, and mingled their best blood in one common tide, for the salvation of their common country?

It is the very process of bigotry, whether political, or religious, to search out, and magnify points of difference between ourselves and others; while those of union, sympathy and good fellowship are overlooked.

There is, assuredly, no greater difficulty inherent in this subject now, than there has ever been. Yet it did not repel our fathers from each other's sides in "the times that tried men's souls." It did not prevent them from forming and cementing the union of these States. Nor has it prevented their children from enjoying beneath the shadow of this union, a measure of national prosperity, perhaps without a parallel in the history of man. Different as are our views on this point, we are warranted by experience in saying, that they are still consistent with so much harmony of feeling and pursuit, as to render the union beneficial to both parties. For, certainly, what has been for so long a period in time past, may fairly be calculated upon in time to come; unless, indeed, the state of things has undergone such a change as to forbid this expectation. This indeed is what you allege. But have you shown this allegation to be correct? I think you have not; and I am persuaded it cannot be done. On the contrary, so far as regards the sentiments of the people, at large, in the Northern States, the changes that have taken place, have been favourable to the cause of union and harmony. I would not be understood to say, that slavery is regarded there as less an evil, political, or moral, in the abstract, than heretofore. But I do say that their judgment of their Southern brethren is less unfavourable, and their feelings towards them more kindly, in consequence of increased intercourse with them, and more accurate information regarding their condition. This statement will not be denied by any one who has had the means and the disposition to form an accurate judgment. I appeal, with confidence, to all such, whether it be not true, that the tone of feeling at the North, in regard to this subject, has sensibly softened within these few years?

This is the result, which sound reasoning would lead us, a priori, to expect. As societies of men become better acquainted with each other, an increase of mutual esteem is the invariable consequence; and this leads each to regard with more indulgence the peculiar institutions, opinions and prejudices of the other. It were treason against our common nature to suppose it should be otherwise. And surely, our own case is not to form an exception.

The great object of jealousy and dread, at present, seems to be the