SENATE.] Bank of the United States. [JUNE 8, 1832. the bank to take its ground at this time--the “newspapers" and the "demagogues" of the party make this bank the ground of opposition. Out of doors it is avowed that the subject is now forced on Congress, principally and mainly that the President shall be compelled either to approve or veto the new charter--to drive him into a dilemma in which he must act, and if he act either way that he will make more enemies than he can secure friends. friends of the President, while they regret that this is really a party question exclusively, on one side, and a divided question in some sections of the country, on the other, have no fears for the result, if he shall do what they anticipate he will do. The and ingloriously retreating from his own suit, and of re- The party opposed to the administration has compelled sorting to brute force in making a cowardly attack on a third person whom he supposed had been instrumental in demonstrating his infamy. To such a man is given a control of the branch in New Hampshire, and of the revenues of the Government receivable in that State-a man who has rendered himself not less notorious for violating the laws of his country, than for failing in a course of gross deception to procure others to swear to his innocence. The president of the Bank of the United States, in a letter to the Secretary of the Treasury, dated September, 1829, says: "The public opinion, in its crude state, is the most dangerous of all guides," and that "the bank cannot obey it." This he assigned as his reason for disregarding the remonstrances and petitions which were laid before Sir, I claim no merit for originality when I say this is a him by the representatives and citizens of New Hamp- party question exclusively on one side; I have high aushire in 1829, against sundry abuses by the first officer of thority for saying this was a party question so long ago as the branch in that State. He doubtless intends that pub: the year 1811. The gentleman from Kentucky, then as lic opinion in New Hampshire shall be punished for con- now a member of this Senate, took that stand against tumacy-that the people of that State, weak alone against this monopoly for which the country was long grateful to his power, shall be made to feel the giant monopoly; and him; he then felt towards the United States' Bank as hence he appoints to the direction of that branch, men on those who are opposed to it now feel. If he is disposed whom public opinion has placed the seal of condemnation, to blame us for our opinions, he must blame himself that and sustains them in acts which public opinion pronounces he was our instructor. He then represented the instituto have been unjust and oppressive. If this contempt tion to be whatever we represent it to be-an engine in for public opinion shall be exhibited while public opinion the hands of one political party, to control and bear down might be of great value in procuring a renewal of the another party. What did he then say? In answer to Mr. bank, what may not be anticipated after the charter shall Crawford, who said that this bank "had been made a be fastened upon the people for fifteen years more? What party question, although the law incorporating the bank is this declaration more or less than the agent, the deputy was passed prior to the formation of parties," the Senator of Baring & Brothers, the most honorable Marquis of from Kentucky then said: Hertford, and other privileged individuals under the British Government, openly setting public opinion in the United States of America at defiance! "It is true that this law (the law incorporating the bank) was not the effect, but it is no less true that it was one of the causes of the political divisions in this country. The bank has had a major part of the newspapers, and And if, during the agitation of the present question, the even of the literary periodical works of the country, to renewal has, on one side, been opposed on party princi advocate its cause: on one side of the political question, ples, let me ask if, on the other, it has not been advocated there has not been a solitary newspaper dissenting from on similar principles. Where is the Macedonian phalanx the bank. The bank has also exercised freely the means--the opposition in Congress? I believe, sir, I shall not it possessed to bring over to its side powerful newspapers incur the charge of presumptuous prophecy, when I prewhich had been opposed to it. A vast preponderance of dict that we shall not pick up from its ranks one single the newspaper press in its favor was not, however, enough straggler! And if, on this occasion, my worthy friend for the bank; hundreds of thousands of extra sheets advo-from Georgia has gone over into the camp of the enemy, cating its cause have been circulated by the bank through- is it kind in him to look back upon his former friends, and out the country. To show you, sir, that the bank is iden- rebuke them for the fidelity with which they adhere to tified with a party, it is only necessary to say that, as far their old principles"" I could learn in my own State, these extra publications of Where is the "Macedonian phalanx," "the opposition the bank, circulated from Philadelphia, have been sent to in Congress," now? Can "one single straggler" be found precisely the same individuals as received, from the city opposed to the bank? If any friend of the Senator will of Washington, previous to the last Presidential election, show one shade of difference not tending to make the Chapman Johnson's Virginia addresses, and other pam- present case even a more aggravated party question than phlets of a like character. The list in both cases must have it was then-if he will show the "Macedonian phalanx" been the same. less compact, less determined, less zealous, than it was in Will it be denied that this bank has attempted to exer- 1811, then may it be admitted that it is unjust to quote cise an influence on public opinion and on our elections? him. There is, indeed, this difference in the two cases— that it has attempted to influence the public presses of the in 1811 the charter expired, and, if renewed at all, it was country by extraordinary loans and accommodations? Can necessary then to act; in the present case, the charter does our eyes and our ears deceive us, when we look around not expire for four years, and we know not what the bank us and see and hear the party which identifies itself with may be at the expiration of that time. In the one case, the bank? We are told by the Senator from Kentucky, the charter was asked for, for its own sake; in the other [Mr. CLAY,] if this is a party question, that we must look case, it is pressed to be used as an engine to affect a pendto the newspapers and the demagogues who have sought ing election. In the one case, the people had elected to make this a political instrument." Very true! It was not until after the convention at Baltimore last December, that the petition came in asking for the recharter of the bank this session. Did not the leaders of a party then give the bank to understand that if the mountain did not come to the aid of Mahomet before the next Presidential election, Mahomet should never afterwards go to the mountain? Did they not say to the bank, if you will not "Whether the charter ought to be renewed or not, bring the influence of your money, including the funds of near six years hence, in my judgment is a question of the Government, to bear on the next election, you need expediency to be decided by the then existing state of not expect any thing further from us after that election? the country. It will be necessary at that time to look their Representatives and Senators with an especial view to the object; in the other, the people are taken by surprise--the question is to be settled--the door is to be closed, before they are consulted. That they are taken by surprise, is manifest from the language of the Senator himself, who, in a speech at Cincinnati, in August, 1830, is reported to have said: JUNE 8, 1832.] Bank of the United States. [SENATE. What was then the lan carefully to the condition of the bank and of the Union; appears in the returns. They actually own a greater to ascertain (if the public debt in the mean time be paid amount now than they did then. off) what effect that will produce, what will then be our guage of the Senator? financial condition, what that of the local banks, the state of our commerce, foreign and domestic, as well as the concerns of our country generally. I am not therefore prepared to say whether the charter ought or ought not to be renewed on the expiration of its present term." If the honorable Senator has "gone over into the camp of the enemy," and, as a leader of a forlorn hope, "looks back upon his former friends," to rebuke them for the "fidelity with which they adhere to old principles," will he not consent to wait for the decision of the great question until the time which he had himself designated? Until the public debt shall be paid, and the condition of the bank and of the Union shall be carefully ascertained? [Mr. H. here read a number of passages from Mr. CLAY's speech.] The question recurs-is this Government under any obligations to the present stockholders of the United States' Bank? Was there any promise, either express or implied, to renew the charter in their hands? If so, let their advocates point to the chapter and verse in which that promise is contained. For twenty years these stockholders had privileges which no other corporation possessed; the grant to them did not extend beyond the term of twenty years. The first grant was either of value to them, or it was not. If valuable, they have no right to ask the renewal of a privilege from which other citizens are excluded: if of no value, surely the Government can be under no obligations to continue to them what shall operate to their injury. It is not to be expected that all of us have the same lights on the subject of the bank as that Senator; some of us are more inclined to be guided by the axioms laid down by himself in 1811, than to follow his present advice. I I have before me a pamphlet bearing date at Cincincannot read the whole of his speech against the bank on nati, May, 1832, which says: that occasion, although I confess it to be as good a speech against the present bank as any that can now be made. I will quote a few detached sentences to give an idea of the whole. [Mr. H. here read nearly a column of extracts from the speech referred to.] "The general opinion throughout the West in regard to the rechartering of the Bank of the United States, is not expressed in the various memorials prepared, circulated, and sent to Congress by the direct influence of the bank. The debtor is morally the slave of the creditor. It is said there is a vast preponderance of the public A free and independent expression of opinion is restrainopinion in favor of continuing this charter. If this be a ed by a sense of fear. If a merchant-the apprehenfact--if there be no fears of public opinion, why prema- sion is that his credit will be stopped. If a mechanic or turely force the new charter upon the people four years laborer-the loss of employment is dreaded. And with before the time? The charter will be equal probably to a either, perhaps, the honest support of a family is involv gift of twenty millions of dollars to the present stockhold-ed. These facts existing among us, have caused the ers with the bonus as it stands. Will the people sanction signing, without regard to party,' memorials for rethat act of their Senators and Representatives which shall chartering the present bank, which have appeared bethrow away this immense amount? Will the several States fore Congress." quietly forego their right of taxation, when responsible capitalists have offered, besides a bonus of one per cent. annually to the Federal Government, another bonus of one per cent. to the several State Governments for these exclusive banking privileges? What is applied by the Cincinnati writer to individuals, and individuals of that place have been under severe thraldom to this mammoth institution, may be applied to every small local bank within the vortex of the Bank of the United States and its branches. I confess I was surAre the people of the United States under any particular prised when petitions were presented from several of the obligations to the present stockholders-to Baring, Bro- State banks in New Hampshire, in favor of rechartering thers, & Co., who own nearly a million of this stock; to the Bank of the United States. I knew there was a polithe most honorable the Marquis of Hertford, who has his tical esprit du corps operating in that State in favor of the hundred thousand dollars; to honorable Hudson Gurney, bank, on the party which is in the minority: the bank had member of Parliament; to Sir William Keppell, Knight of done much for the party, and it was natural that the party the Grand Cross of the Order of Bath; to Lieutenant should do something for the bank. I have since ascerGeneral Sir Marmaduke Warren Peacock; to Mrs. Can-tained that a number of the banks whose directors favored delaria Bell; to Lady Rosabella Wilson, and other British the same political party as the Bank of the United States, lords and ladies, to grant them exclusive privileges? On in utter contumacy to the agent of the bank who required the confession of the advocates of this bank, the recharter it of them, refused to sign the printed petition which was of the bank, the instant it shall be consummated, will raise forwarded to them. May not these refractory directors the value of the stock seventeen and a half millions of expect the vengeance of the mammoth after he shall be dollars. This will be equal to a gift outright to Baring, let loose to trample down every thing before him for fifBrothers, & Co. of $395,750; to the Marquis of Hertford teen years more? These small banks, if they shall come of $50,150; to honorable Hudson Gurney of $25,000; to within his reach, would be but a mouthful to his maw. Sir William Keppell of $36,100; to Sir Marmaduke War- The solvent and independent banks which have resisted ren Peacock of $25,000, to say nothing of other British his mandate, can, however, shut up their banking houses, subjects holding larger and smaller amounts of this stock. and place their capital in some other business, laying Was the like of this case ever before known? Did an themselves under no other pains and penalties to this inAmerican Legislature ever before do an act parallel to stitution than such as all capital in other employments shall that which bestows on foreigners, individually, such large be subject to. sums, not only without consideration, but with the doc- I was surprised to see some of the banks of the town of trine openly avowed that taxation shall not reach this Portsmouth-not the old Union bank, for that is an owner property? Is this country so miserably poor and destitute, of United States' Bank stock, but other banks in that that capital must be brought here and kept here at such town--petitioning to renew this charter; to see Portsan enormous premium as this? On the subject of legis-mouth, which already been bled to depletion by this Doclating for the benefit of foreigners, let me again recur to tor Sangrado, again holding out her arm to the empiric. the speech of the Senator, [Mr. CLAY,] from which I have That town and its vicinity has suffered severely from the before quoted. It is true that foreigners do not nominally branch which the good mother at Philadelphia had sent hold so large a proportion of the stock of the present, as her. I hope again to see her rise invigorated from the they held of the old bank; yet it is generally admitted ruin which had been spread around her. She had plenty that they are really the owners of a larger amount than of banking capital for all her business, without aid from SENATE.] Protection of the Frontier. [JUNE 9, 1832. the United States' Bank. The bank sent an additional ca- Congress has been in session six months; and never, I pital of some three hundred thousand dollars: this made believe, has there been a Congress of six months which more money than was necessary for ordinary business. At has cut out so much work and done so little. We have first the United States' Bank offered to loan on liberal passed beyond the usual time of adjournment—we have principles. The tariff of 1824, and the flush of money, perhaps done some things which we ought not to have threw out an inducement to every man who had either done, and we have left undone other things which we money or credit to embark in manufacturing establish- ought to have done: nay, some pressing subjects are bements: property was to be made hand over hand. The fore us, involving the highest welfare of the whole people, manufacturing mania was at its highest point. Some men and perhaps the existence of the Union itself. Why are at Portsmouth took shares in the great establishments at these subjects made to give way to that which is now be Dover, Somersworth, &c.; others undertook to build up fore us? Why is the recharter of the Bank of the United and manage smaller establishments in other places. In- States, which has four years yet to run, and six years to vestments also were made in other business. Several in-wind up its affairs, pressed upon us with so much pertivested not only all their own money, but all their credit nacity? could procure from the banks. The branch bank loaned On the subject of renewing the charter of the bank, the money liberally, having, besides its own capital, the be- people are altogether taken by surprise. When the elecnefit of the public deposites, with the understanding that tions of those composing the present Congress took place, those who took the money might have their notes renew-there was no expectation by the people that this Congress ed till sufficient time should elapse to enable them to real-would act on this subject. And what right, I would ask, ize their fortunes from rise in the factory stock, or profits have we to legislate for those who are to come after us? If from the dividends. The manufacturing bubble burst in the Legislature of a State were now to elect a person to 1827, '8, and '9: the holders of manufacturing stock held fill the place of any Senator whose term of service expires on as long as they could-till nearly the whole was sacri- four years hence, would not such an act be justly regardficed. The branch bank took what was pledged as colla-ed as an act of usurpation? "Sufficient for the day is the teral security, and came out itself from this speculation evil thereof:" and if we must have fastened upon this with a dead loss of 70,000 to 100,000 dollars. The prin- Government an irresponsible institution, controlling not cipal, if not the only cause of these failures was the ex- only the whole currency of the country, but controlling pansion of credit, and the facilities to obtain money which the purse of the Government--if we must be bound hand were thrown upon the trading community by the bank, and foot hereafter, as we are now bound by this bankand the bank calling for payment at a time when the let us put on the chains when the day and hour arrives: money could not be had, thus rendering the price of real until that time, let us burden the people with no more estate merely nominal, and of scarcely no value in the than one set of manacles. payment of debts. The farmers and country traders who had been induced to make loans at this branch on better terms, as they supposed, than could be had at the local banks, fared little better from the treatment of this branch. Loans were of fered them, the least favorable terms of which were a renewal, every four months, with payment of instalments of ten per cent. The understanding was that these terms should not be changed. At a time of the greatest scarcity, the president issued his circular to the debtors of the branch, requiring a renewal of the notes every two months, and the payment of twenty per cent. on the original sum at each renewal. From 50,000 to 100,000 dollars in specie, drawn in the course of a few weeks, was transmitted for safe keeping to the friends of the manager of the bank, who wanted money at the capital of a neighboring State. This withdrawal, at that time, contributed to accelerate the absolute ruin of many persons who were possessed of property enough, if time had been given them, to discharge all their debts, and have a moderate capital left. The effects of these speculations were likewise felt in the ruin of men of moderate property in the interior, whose estates were sacrificed at the sheriff's sales for one-third or one-fourth of their value. Mr. BENTON then took the floor in opposition to the bill. He stated what were the motives which induced him to move his resolution last session, on the subject of the bank. He expressed the anxiety he had felt to bring the public mind to bear on the subject; for he did not speak with a view to change the opinions of any Senator, but merely to go abroad to the people. He expected that the people would come forward, in case this bill should pass, to instruct their representatives to adopt a different course. If that instruction should, however, be to confirm what the Senate were about to do, he would yield his place to another. Mr. B. here gave way for the motion, and Mr. MANGUM moved that the Senate now adjourn. The CHAIR decided that the yeas had it, but a recount was demanded; and the yeas and nays being demanded, the question was taken, and decided as follows: YEAS.-Messrs. Benton, Brown, Dickerson, Dudley, Ellis, Grundy, Hayne, Hendricks, Hill, Kane, King, Mangum, Marcy, Miller, Smith, Sprague, Tazewell, Troup, White.--19. NAYS.--Messrs. Bell, Buckner, Chambers, Clay, Clayton, Dallas, Ewing, Foot, Frelinghuysen, Holmes, Johnston, Knight, Naudain, Poindexter, Prentiss, Robbins, Since that time, and so long as the head remained who Ruggles, Seymour, Silsbee, Tipton, Tomlinson, Waggamaltreated the citizens, the branch bank at Portsmouth man, Webster, Wilkins.-24. was scarcely able to do sufficient business, with all its ca- Mr. BENTON then resumed his observations, stating pital and deposites, to pay its own expenses: and some of that he had prepared himself for this result, by going out, the principal business men, to this day, draw their pro-and taking a slight dinner. He proceeded to oppose the missory notes payable at any bank at Portsmouth, except-renewal of the charter. ing the branch of the United States' Bank. These facts, in themselves of small consequence to those who are in the habit of doing business by tens and hundreds of thousands, will serve to illustrate what, by possibility, may be the fate of those at the South and West, who have recently been so liberally accommodated with loans by the United States' Bank. Should they be called on suddenly to pay at one and the same time, and the call will be made at no time so likely as when there is a scarcity of funds, their situation may be no better than that of those I have described. After Mr. B. had spoken three-quarters of an hour, he gave way for a motion for adjournment; and The Senate adjourned. SATURDAY, JUNE 9. PROTECTION OF THE FRONTIER. Mr. TIPTON, in accordance with the notice given by him on Friday, rose to ask leave to introduce a bill to authorize the President of the United States to raise five companies of rangers for the protection of the North JUNE 9, 1832.] Alexandria Aqueduct.--Bank of the United States. [SENATE. western frontier of the United States. He said, I am fully will not amount to 200,000 dollars, while more than that aware, sir, that the Senate has no desire to listen to dis- sum has already been appropriated for this summer's camcussion upon any subject: nor would I now obtrude my-paign alone, and will probably be insufficient to meet the self upon their notice, were it not for the deep interest I object. If you wish, after the present war is ended, to feel in the passage of the bill I have had the honor to in- preserve a permanent peace, it will be indispensably netroduce. But it would be criminal in me to keep my seat cessary to keep up an armed force, continually patrolling in silence when the property and the lives of those whom upon the border, to prevent the breaking out of the malice I have the honor in part to represent on this floor are in of the savage irritated by defeat, and awaiting only an jeopardy. The bill proposes to authorize the President of the change is made in our Indian relations, we will be obliged opportunity to wreak his revenge. Indeed, until some United States to raise five hundred mounted riflemen to to support a military force in the neighborhood. And of protect the Northwestern frontier--this description of all kinds this is the most adapted to the duty required of troops being better suited to a border warfare than any it. I will not allow myself to believe that the Senate will other. lives of their own citizens. Remember, sir, I ask your count and compare the value of a few dollars with the aid, whilst the blood of our women, and the blood of our infants, is scarcely yet cold upon the ground. In the midst of our danger and distress, we make this appeal to the confidence that we will not be denied. liberality and justice of Congress, and I do it in the fullest The measure is proposed as well to protect those of the Indians who wish to remain friendly, as to defend the whites, and to chastise the hostile bands of those savages who hover on our borders, ready to strike a blow whenever the opportunity may offer. It may be objected to on the ground that we have already an army to protect us. It is true, sir, we have an army of four thousand men: one-fourth of this force is stationed on the seaboard, and the remainder occupy the numerous garrisons from Maine to Arkansas. We cannot collect them, in case of an emergency, at a given point, in any reasonable time. No man can have greater confidence in the skill and courage of our army than I have--none would confide more implicitly in their ability to defend us against an invading foe, were that foe a civilized one. But the service of which I speak requires the description of troops that I now propose. The Indian is here to-day and gone to-morrow; and the only trace of his presence is misery, bloodshed, and tears. If you call upon your army to protect us, before they arrive at their destined point, the enemy has disappeared. But it may be asked, why not mount a part of the army, under the conduct of their own officers? Sir, there are two reasons: the officers of the army are, for the most part, unacquainted with the country, and with the habits and mode of warfare of the enemy. They are many of them young men, acquainted with the theory but not with the practice of war. This service requires practical men, acquainted with the Indians and their habits. It requires men who, like our Western hunters, have been raised with the rifle in their hand; who ride through the immense forests of our country with as much ease as others upon a plain and level road; who shoot with an unerring and certain aim; and who are, in every respect, eminently qualified for the duty proposed by this bill. to the point of danger, than the men of the West? They ferred to the Committee on Military Affairs. ALEXANDRIA AQUEDUCT. ceeded to consider the bill for the benefit of the Alexan- andria should be accompanied by a free bridge; and that 3 Mr. WEBSTER said that General Mason would of course be indemnified, but objected to couple this matter with the Alexandria bill. Mr. CHAMBERS objected to any amendment at this The inhabitants of the frontier would have more confi-stage of the session, but expressed a disposition to give dence in being defended by their fathers, husbands, and every attention to Georgetown at a proper time. brothers, many of whom are experienced in this kind of till Monday, and the amendment was ordered to be The bill and amendment were then laid on the table warfare, and who are emphatically of themselves, than by comparative strangers. Would you shorten this war that printed. is now raging on our frontier, raise this troop. dred men, led by an officer suited to this service, are sufficient, after the first struggle shall have been dec ded, to march through the Indian country from Lake Michigan to the Mississippi. Five hun BANK OF THE UNITED STATES. to modify and continue the act to incorporate the subThe Senate then resumed the consideration of the bill scribers to the Bank of the United States. To discomfit the Indians, you must make rapid marches, the engrossment of the bill, which he commenced on the Mr. BENTON resumed the remarks, in opposition to carry the war into the heart of their country, and compel preceding day. He stated that the establishment of the them to seek shelter for their women and children in the United States' Bank had been followed by injurious conseswamps and marshes. Large bodies move slowly. A quences to the South and the West; and to prove this, he portion of your army is now on Rock river. Of their adverted to the instructions issued by the bank to the movements nothing has been heard for some days. The branches of the South and the West. He quoted the lanIndians are breaking up the settlements, and driving in guage of a distinguished statesman, that the year 1816 the inhabitants south of them, and in the neighborhood would constitute an era, that it was the most disastrous of Galena, in the north. Move your army south, and the period in our history, as it had given birth to those twin Indians fly before them, and murder at other points, un-monsters, the bank and an ultra tariff. less our militia defend the frontier. He considered the death warrant of the South and West had issued from the bank and tariff as one and indissoluble; and held that the institution when the circular instructions were sent abroad. He characterized the board of directors as a central power, On the score of economy, it is better and cheaper to raise the troop proposed, than to attempt to defend the frontier with militia. One year's pay for this battalion SENATE.] The Pension Law.--Duties on Imports. MONDAY, JUNE 11. THE PENSION LAW. [JUNE 11, 1832. acting and deciding in secret, and whose decisions were only known by their disastrous operation on the community. He contended that the public deposites in the United On motion of Mr. CHAMBERS, the joint resolution States' Bank would by October next amount to twenty offered by Mr. WILKINS, to transfer to the Secretary of millions, and that all the statements made as to the diminu-War the duties imposed by the pension bill on the Secretion of the public deposites were fallacious. The hos tary of the Treasury, was taken up for cons.deration. tility of the bank to the rapid payment of the public debt, Mr. CHAMBERS then adverted to the practice of the he said, was evidenced by its course in the South and the department to put the most rigid constructions on the West; and its enmity to an administration which was se- pension laws, and that these constructions are somewhat dulously applying itself to the payment of the debt, was similar to those which are upon the laws in favor of crimi equally apparent. The orders of the bank to change the nals in cases which are highly penal. He stated that the loans in the South and West into domestic bills of ex-bill which had lately passed was a supplement to the act change, he considered to be sufficient proof of this en of 1818, which provided for certain officers, &c. specimity. This mode of coercing the debtors of the bank, he fied; but that the supplementary bill had omitted to inascribed to a desire to exact usurious interest. He charg- clude within its provisions all the officers belonging to the ed the bank with adopting the aristocratical and oppressive hospital department and on the medical staff. He stated, practices of the Bank of England; and was desirous that further, that one of his colleagues in the other House had Congress should wait three or four years longer before assured him that, under the rigid practice of the depart they renewed the charter, in order to see how these prac-ment, this class of officers would be considered as not tices would result. He stated that a pilgrimage to Phila-entitled to the benefit of the law. He therefore proposed delphia to raise money was just as common, and just as to amend the resolution by adding a clause to the follow necessary to obtain capital, as a pilgrimage to Mecca was ing effect: to save the soul of a Mahometan. He wished that, if the country was to have a bank, it would be an independent He thought the West ought to be freed from the pressure of an institution which bore it down to the earth, for the purpose of enriching another section of the Union. He called on all who had been at New Orleans, and all who drank the waters of the West, to step forward and rescue New Orleans from the grasp of a foreign Power, which was about to plunge her into ruin. One. "And that, in the execution of the said act, all officers in the hospital department and on the medical staff be considered as being as fully within the meaning of the said act, as of officers of the line." Mr. WILKINS requested the reading of a paper addressed to the chairman of the Committee on Pensions by the chief clerk of the Pension Office, exhibiting the inconvenience which resulted from the petitions being filed in one department, and the papers in another. [In the course of the remarks of Mr. BENTON, a message Mr. FOOT said a few words against the change, and was received from the House of Representatives, commu-corrected the statement that this new bill was a supple nicating an amendment made to the bill from the Senate ment to the act of 1818. It was a supplement to the law the of 1828. to substitute mounted volunteers for infantry on He moved a substitute to the amendment proNorthwestern frontier. The amendment strikes out the posed, directing the Secretary of the Treasury to permit original bill, and authorizes the Pres dent to raise any num-the withdrawal of the papers of petitioners. ber of mounted volunteers, not to exceed 1,100 men, &c. On motion of Mr. WHITE, the Senate proceeded to consider the amendment; when Mr. CLAY remarked that it was certainly an extraordinary circumstance, that, in the present state of our Northwestern frontier, there had been no movement on the part of the Executive; but that the Senate obtained all the information it had on the subject from a member rising here, and another member rising there, in his place. The message was, on motion of Mr. WEBSTER, laid on the table.] Mr. GRUNDY then moved the indefinite postponement of the bank bill; and, After some few words in explanation, Mr. MANGUM moved to commit the resolution to the Committee on Pensions, which was negatived--yeas 14. Some conversation then took place on a suggestion from Mr. FORSYTH to take away from the amendment the authority for the applicants themselves to withdraw their papers. The amendment of Mr. Foor was negatived; that of On motion of Mr. DICKERSON, the Senate took up The question being taken thereon, it was decided as the bill to repeal in part the duties on imports--yeas 21, follows: nay's 16. YEAS.--Messrs. Benton, Bibb, Brown, Dickerson, Mr. DICKERSON then stated that his object was to Dudley, Ellis, Forsyth, Grundy, Hayne, Hill, Kane, King, offer an amendment to the bill, and to move for the print Mangum, Marcy, Miller, Moore, Tazewell, Troup, Tyler, ing of that amendment, and then to lay the bill again on White.-20. the table, until the Senate should be disposed to take it up. NAYS.--Messrs. Bell, Buckner, Chambers, Clay, Clay-He then moved to strike out all the first section of the bill, ton, Dallas, Ewing, Foot, Frelinghuysen, Hendricks, after the word "cocoa," and to insert a new classification Holmes, Johnston, Naudain, Prentiss, Robbins, Robinson, of articles, which he sent to the Chair. Silsbee, Smith, Sprague, Tipton, Tomlinson, Waggaman, The amendment having been read, was ordered to be Webster, Wilkins.--24. printed. The question was taken on the engrossment of the bill Mr. TAZEWELL then said that he had been opposed for a third reading, and decided in the affirmative, as fol- to taking up the bill at this time, because he had wished lows: to offer an amendment which he had been for some time YEAS.--Messrs. Bell, Buckner, Chambers, Clay, Clay-preparing, and which he wished to offer, to be sent to the ton, Dallas, Ewing, Foot, Frelinghuysen, Hendricks, printing shop, to the Senate, to the world, or any where Holmes, Johnston, Knight, Naudain, Prentiss, Robbins, else. All that he had as yet been able to accomplish, was Robinson, Silsbee, Smith, Sprague, Tipton, Tomlinson, to prepare a rough draught of a bill, which would exhi Waggaman, Webster, Wilkins.--25. NAYS.--Messrs. Benton, Bibb, Brown, Dickerson, Dudley, Ellis, Forsyth, Grundy, Hayne, H 11, Kane, King, Mangum, Marcy, Miller, Moore, Tazewell, Troup, Tyler, White.--20. bit the principles which he thought should be adopted in order to fix the revenue of the country on a basis on which he deemed it to be practicable to place it. The principles might, in the first place, be examined, and the Senate might afterwards go into the consideration of the |