SENATE.] Appropriation Bill. [APRIL 20, 1832. stantly corrected. I exerted my personal influence in on the table by a Senator who has since been taken into this House, and obtained by unanimous consent the imme- the cabinet, supported by every member of the opposi diate passage of a resolution, having it read three times tion on this floor, denouncing in strong terms this daring in one day, directing that, in future, when naval con- invasion of the rights of the Senate. Sir, it is melancholy tracts have been fulfilled to the satisfaction of the navy to reflect that one among the first and most conspicuous commissioners, the contractors shall be paid the stipu- acts of the present administration, was the institution of lated price. To so reasonable a regulation no just objec- the Turkish mission during the recess, and without the tion has been, or, as it seems to me, can be urged; and advice and consent of the Senate; and when some of us sure I am that if Congress had not so promptly reformed who had committed ourselves on the former question, this reformation on the part of the Auditor, we should and could see no difference in principle between the two have incurred heavy expenses in interest and damages, cases, hesitated to sanction in General Jackson what we which we would have felt ourselves obliged to pay to had condemned in Mr. Adams, we were openly denounced those whom we should thereby have deprived of the for abandoning the administration, when, in fact, we compensation so unjustly withheld. But, sir, how comes were only standing up for the principles which brought it that we are now charged with thwarting the adminis-them into power. In the course of the proceedings on tration in this matter, when, in adopting the resolution in the Panama mission, Mr. Adams had ventured to remark question, we were only complying with the earnest re- that he would not inquire into the motives of the Sequest of the Navy Department? Are we to understand nate.' Straightway this insinuation, as it was called, that the heads of departments are not the accredited organs was denounced here as an unwarrantable assault by the of the Executive, and that to oppose the views of a subor- Executive upon one of the co-ordinate departments of dinate officer in one of the departments is to oppose the the Government, and it was held up to the public as an views of the administration? The last case relied on by the evidence of the tendency to an unwarrantable assumption gentleman from Georgia is the bill which passed the Se- of power and arbitrary rule on the part of the administranate last year, but which failed in the other House, for tion. And yet have we not, within a short time past, seen the better organization of the navy, and which the gen- a direct imputation on the motives of the Senate, under tleman insists, by adding a new grade, proposed an in- the sign manual of the President, going the rounds of the crease of the public expense, contrary to the views of the public papers, and, as far as I know, without one word of Executive. Now, sir, that bill came from the Navy De- censure on the part of the 'supporters of this administration? partment itself, by which this new grade was expressly Sir, have we changed our principles, or were the objections recommended, and the proposed increase in the compen- formerly urged against Mr. Adams mere pretences intendsation of some of the officers was also expressly recom- ed to delude the public mind, and having no other object mended by the President himself. It is true that the Se- than to bring General Jackson and his friends into power' cretary, by a contemplated reduction of the number of Was that great contest which the people were taught to the officers, designed to make up for the additional ex- believe involved, in no small degree, the liberties and fupenses provided for in the bill, and that he proposed to ture destinies of this country, in deed and in truth, not a make this reduction by a "judicious pruning," that is to struggle for principles, but for place? Sir, I will recapitulate, say, by striking a certain number of officers at once from in a few words, what were the leading principles which the roll. To this the committee could not, after ma- brought General Jackson into power, in order that it may ture reflection, bring themselves to consent. They be seen how far they have been secured by his election, thought it might open a door to favoritism, and would and that gentlemen may clearly understand why it is that have a tendency to shake the stability of the naval esta- some of us, who now refuse to give up those principles, blishment, and they, therefore, while agreeing in other respects to the recommendation of the Secretary, provided that the proposed reduction should be gradually effected "by death, resignation, or removal," whereby, had the bill become a law, a reduction of the expenses (quite inconsiderable in amount) would have been delayed for a few years. But the bill did not pass. Such, Mr. President, is a brief history of the three selected cases, relied on to show that the Executive has been counteracted in its efforts at "economy and reform." I will not add a word to the statement. insist on holding the administration to their pledges, because, of late, fallen under the high displeasure of the powers that be. I have already said that the correction of ABUSES, and the introduction of " economy, retrenchment, and reform" were among the leading objects for which General Jackson was brought into power. The people were promised that the unlicensed action of the Federal Govern ment was to be controlled and checked; that they were to be relieved from the burden of unnecessary taxation; that all unnecessary objects of expenditure were to be cut off, and the most rigid economy introduced into every But, sir, there were other great principles involved in department; that the constitution was to be restored, and the contest between General Jackson and Mr. Adams, the administration of the Government brought back to which seem now to be entirely lost sight of. It was the purity and simplicity which distinguished the adminis charged upon Mr. Adams that he was disposed to enlarge tration of Thomas Jefferson; power and patronage were beyond constitutional bounds the Executive prerogative to be strictly limited and restrained, and the good old demoand power, and that, in reference to his constitutional ad- cratic principles of '98 were to be brought once more into visers, the Senate, he claimed prerogatives subversive of practical operation in the management of our national affairs, their authority. All this was to have been corrected by Mr. President, are these the principles of the present General Jackson. Sir, can any gentleman who now hears administration? Are they recognised in theory? are they me possibly have forgotten the Panama mission, which followed in practice? Let other gentlemen answer these formed the rallying point for the opposition here, and questions if they can; but, for my own part, I must candid which contributed, I do verily believe, as largely as any ly and most solemnly declare that I do not know what other single cause, to the overthrow of the late adminis- the true principles of the present administration are, or tration? On that occasion Mr. Adams made to the Senate whether there are any principles whatever by which the a nomination of ministers to represent the United States supporters of General Jackson, as a party, are to be dis at the Congress of the South American States, to be as- tinguished from their political opponents. Sir, there can sembled at Panama, and unfortunately intimated in his be no party in a free country worthy of the name, that message that, though he believed he had the right to in- have no common principles. And if combinations of men stitute such a mission during the recess, yet he had not are to be held together by the charm of a popular name, thought proper to exert it. Sir, no sooner had this claim or merely by a common attachment to an individual, or a of power been set up, than it was met by a resolution, laid desire to keep power in certain hands, I know of no mo APRIL 20, 1832.] Appropriation Bill. [SENATE. tive that ought to induce a patriot to engage in such a brought forward here, the party may be rallied to their miserable scramble for power and place. support. Yes, sir, there is ONE TEST, and an infallible Let us look for a moment at the leading questions of na-one, by which the true friends of this administration may tional policy which now divide this country, and see how the be distinguished, and that is to be found in their unhesita administration stands affected towards them. And here the ting support of all the Executive nominations to office. A tariff presents itself as incomparably the most prominent, member of Congress may advocate any principles, and and at the same time the most vitally important question support or oppose any measures he pleases; he may repuwhich now exists, or has perhaps ever existed in this coun-diate any doctrine which brought General Jackson into try. What is the policy of the administration on this ques-power; he may rally as often as he pleases under the bantion? Can any gentleman tell us? They admit that after the ner of the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. CLAY;] he may payment of the public debt the duties must be reduced, by be a federalist, a democrat, or any thing else, and no one a "judicious revision of the tariff." Now, so far all parties charges him with disaffection to the men in power: but are agreed. But how, and to what extent, is this reduc- let any Senator dare to vote against an individual nominated tion to be made? and on what articles? What is to be the to an office, and he is forthwith denounced as a deserter standard of the necessary expenditures of the Government? from the Jackson party. "Tray, Blanche, and Sweetheart" Are minimums to be abolished? are ad valorem to be sub-are seen barking at his heels; and a profligate and pensionstituted for specific duties? is the principle of protection ed press is heard denouncing him in deep and loud tones to be distinctly recognised? or are the duties to be equal- of indignation, as utterly unworthy of public confidence. ized? I aver that, on all of these points, embracing, too, Is it not, then, manifest that the principles which brought the whole merits of the question, the policy of this admi- General Jackson into power have been discarded, or are nistration is altogether unknown, and its influence on this forgotten, and that the whole affair has degenerated into floor unfelt. I am thoroughly persuaded that if the ad- an ignoble scramble for office--a division of "the spoils?" ministration had pursued on this subject the straightfor- The only question now seems to be, who shall come in for ward, manly course which was due to the occasion, and the loaves and fishes? And hence it is, that a support of imperiously demanded by the crisis, if, at the very com- principles means nothing, and the support of men any mencement of the present session of Congress, they had thing. Hence it is, that "economy, retrenchment, and used the influence which legitimately belongs to them, and reform," and the "correction of abuses," have fallen into had rallied their forces in the two Houses of Congress, this disfavor. The greater the abuses, and the larger the apdifficult question might have been satisfactorily adjusted.propriations, the greater, surely, will be the proportion of But, instead of taking this ground, it has suffered its friends the loaves and fishes which may fall to the share of each to wander abroad on this question like sheep without a hungry expectant who is looking up to Executive favor. shepherd. No one knows what the precise views of the Sir, in this vile scramble for power and place, I will administration are: and those who support, as well as those have nothing to do. If the administration chooses to who oppose, the proposition of the Senator from Kentuc- abandon their principles, the principles which brought ky, [Mr. CLAY,] equally rely on the opinions of the Exe- them into office, I will not abandon mine. I will hold them cutive as favorable to their respective views. Thus have to their promises, and insist on their pledges, and will some of the most devoted friends of the administration on never consent that they shall be tried by any other standthis floor been suffered blindly to enlist themselves under ard than their recorded promises and unredeemed pledges. the banner of the Senator from Kentucky on this import- I will never consent to look to Mr. Adams's administration ant question; and have, I fear, been already committed as a model for our imitation, however much that gentletoo deeply to change their course now, even should the man may have come into favor in certain quarters. With Executive, at a future period, come out openly in opposi-regard to the late administration, my opinions have undertion to that course. gone no material change. In the ardor of the contest, I Sir, nearly five months have now elapsed since Con- may have done them, in some respects, injustice. I may gress met, and, up to this hour, we have not been furnish- not, on all occasions, have displayed towards them that ed with the scheme of the Treasury Department for a "charity which thinketh no evil." But from the princireduction of duties. Surely, if there ever was a period ples avowed by that administration, and the leading meawhen the administration should have been prepared be-sures of its policy, I have always dissented, and shall forever forehand, and been at all times in readiness to submit in dissent. I object to the claims of power set up by them. detail their views in relation to a subject of paramount im- I object to their American system, in all its branches and portance, that period was the present session of Congress, bearings, to the assumption of unnecessary power, and of that subject the existing tariff. And yet, though this has patronage, and of extravagant expenditures; and while been long expected, and even called for, we not only have these principles shall distinguish the remains of that party not yet received it, but the views of the administration are who now constitute the opposition here, there must be an so entirely unknown, that their earnest friends, when pur-impassable gulf between us. So far as gentlemen on the suing diametrically opposite courses, have equally relied for their support on the authority of the Executive. other side shall enter cordially and zealously into proper measures for checking the abuses and restraining the unExactly the same thing may be said of the extravagant constitutional action, and restricting the expenses of the scheme of pensioning the great body of the people who Government, I shall go cordially with them. But when lived during the revolution, (a scheme involving, I do ve- they are found supporting mammoth pension bills, high rily believe, the annual expenditure of millions,) and of tariffs, magnificent schemes of internal improvements, and the various schemes for the disposition of the public lands, extravagant expenditures, I shall always, I trust, be found and the distribution of the surplus revenue, relative to all using my utmost efforts against them. I am fully aware, of which, as indeed to every other measure now before sir, of the disadvantageous position in which we must be Congress, or canvassed elsewhere, the friends of the Pre-placed, in pursuing the course I have indicated. Standing sident may take any course they please, and still hold their between the opposing parties, we shall have to receive fealty to the administration above all suspicion, Sir, as the fire of both. No situation, I am aware, can be so un-. far as I know, there are no principles whatever, which enviable as an armed neutrality in the presence of contendare now regarded as party tests. The doctrines of '98 ing armies; and to wage a perpetual and unsuccessful are exploded, democracy is out of vogue, and economy warfare against two powerful political parties, each strugout of fashion. If there be any administration principles, gling for power, can promise but a slender harvest of proI should be rejoiced to learn what they are, in order that fit or of honor. But, however great may be the danger when those principles happen to be involved in questions or the difficulty of such a course, and be the consequen SENATE.] son. ces what they may, though we should be destined to be without losing in any degree their high standing as devot placed in the forlorn condition described by my colleague, ed party men. It is clear, therefore, that, in relation to with 66 our hands against every man, and every man's internal improvements, there is no principle sustained by hand against us," yet will we not abandon the contest. We the administration. And, even with regard to the adminshall struggle hard, and struggle long, to bring back this istration itself, is it not ridiculous for any man to pretend Government to sound principles; to arrest, if possible, its that it has any fixed principles in relation to internal imdownward course. We shall strive to restore it to the sim-provements? One bill is vetoed, and another approv plicity and purity from which it has so widely, I had almost ed, embracing appropriations resting on the very same said so fatally, departed. Sir, the principles for which we principles. To-day, we are told that it is unconstitutional to shall thus struggle to the last, are those of Thomas Jeffer- vote money to the Maysville road, and to-morrow a bill is I know they have long been discarded from the pub- passed giving away a inillion to the construction and imlic councils, and are now almost forgotten. provement of roads, rivers, and canals, in all quarters of the Thus, sir, the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. DAL- Union. While the good people of the South are solemnly LAS,] while zealously supporting the proposition of the Se-assured that General Jackson has actually arrested the nator from Kentucky, has appealed to General Jackson as mad career of internal improvements, and his claims to rean authority in favor of that proposition, strenuously insist-election are openly advocated on the ground that he has ing that he was proving himself a genuine Jackson man given a death blow to the American system, you cannot in supporting that proposition, while other equally zealous friends of the administration are at the same time insisting that General Jackson enters fully into the Southern views relative to this question. Yes, sir, at the very moment that General Jackson is openly claimed on this floor as favorable to the scheme of the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. CLAY,] the party in my own State, who claim to be the exclusive friends of General Jackson there, have publicly proclaimed their determination to support his re-election, expressly on the ground "that he has arrested the mad career of internal improvements," and "is with them in their efforts for a repeal of the tariff." It is too clear, then, to admit of a question, that, so far as the tariff is concerned, the administration cannot be said to have any known or fixed principles; and no one will pretend to deny that a man may take any side of this great question; ay, he may enlist himself, heart and soul, in support of the views of the gentleman from Kentucky, without, in the smallest degree, shaking the confidence of the Executive, or losing the countenance and favor of the administration. open a Western Jackson paper, without seeing blazoned forth his devotion to the tariff, and finding calculations submitted proving to demonstration that he has actually expended more money in internal improvements in two years than Mr. Adams did in four, and on this ground claiming for General Jackson the support of the West. How is this? Where are the principles of this administra tion? But I have trespassed, sir, too long on the patience of the Senate, and, in conclusion, will merely recall to the recollection of those gentlemen with whom I have generally acted, the principles which we have heretofore professed, and by which alone the party can, or ought to be held together. They are the principles of THOMAS JEFFERSON of the great republican party of 1798. [Mr. H. here read from the inaugural address of Mr. Jefferson his summary of what he considered as the vital principles of our system, freedom of trade, and freedom of conscience, peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; liberty of try,] economy of the public expense, that industry should be lightly burdened, and that "we should not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned;" and, lastly, the preservation of the State Governments in all their rights, as the palladium of our liberties, and the only safe administrators of our domestic concerns; and the preser vation of the Federal Government in its constitutional vigor.] Sir, are there any other great questions involving princi-speech, of the press, and of the hand, [unrestricted indusples on which the supporters of the administration here are found acting as a party? If there be any, I challenge gentlemen to point them out. How is it with respect to internal improvements? Now, I approve very highly, sir, of the President's veto on the Maysville road, and have only to regret that he has not carried out the principle of that decision to analogous cases, and that he has not, in truth, "arrested the mad career of internal improvements." But, sir, even this limited and qualified opposition to internal improvements forms no part of the principles of the party which supports the present administration. Witness the votes on this floor, where some of the devoted partisans of the President are found constantly voting against the principles of the veto, These, sir, said Mr. H., are the true CONSERVATIVE PRINCIPLES of this republic, and when they shall be banished from our councils without any hope of their speedy restora tion, the light of liberty will be extinguished, and the sun of our glory will have set forever, H 1 The Senate resumed the consideration of the nomination of Martin Van Buren; and, after debate, The question was taken, Will the Senate advise and consent to the appointment of Martin Van Buren? and was Ordered, That the nomination of Martin Van Buren be determined in the negative—yeas 23, nays 23, as follows: referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. TUESDAY, JANUARY 10, 1832. Mr. TAZEWELL, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, to whom was referred the nomination of Martin Van Buren, reported. TUESDAY, JANUARY 17. The following motion, submitted by Mr. HOLMES, was taken up for consideration: Resolved, That the nomination of Martin Van Buren be recommitted to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and that said committee be instructed to investigate the causes which produced the removal of the late Secretaries of the Treasury and the Navy Departments, and of the Attorney General of the United States, and also the resignations of the Secretaries of the State and War Departments; and report to the Senate whether the only causes of that novel and important political movement are given in the letters of the President of the United States, addressed on that occasion to the several officers above enumerated; and, if not, what were the causes to which these removals and resignations ought to be ascribed. And, also, whether the said Martin Van Buren, then Secretary of State, participated in any practices disreputable to the national character, which were designed to operate on the mind of the President of the United States, and calculated to smooth the way to his appointment to the high office to which he has been nominated. YEAS.--Messrs. Benton, Brown, Buckner, Dallas, Dickerson, Dudley, Ellis, Forsyth, Grundy, Hendricks, Hill, Kane, King, Mangum, Marcy, Robinson, Smith, Tazewell, Tipton, Troup, Tyler, White, Wilkins.-23. NAYS.-Messrs. Bell, Chambers, Clay, Clayton, Ewing, Foot, Frelinghuysen, Hayne, Holmes, Johnston, Knight, Miller, Moore, Naudain, Poindexter, Robbins, Ruggles, Seymour, Silsbee, Sprague, Tomlinson, Waggaman, Webster.--23. The Senate being equally divided, the VICE PRESIDENT determined the question in the negative. So it was Resolved, That the Senate do not advise and consent to the appointment of Martin Van Buren. THE DEBATE. January, 1832, and, according to the rules of the Senate, Mr. HOLMES said, in offering these resolutions [proposing an inquiry, &c.] I am governed by the expectation that the inquiry proposed by them will lead to disclosures Resolved, That, for the purpose of carrying into effect in regard to transactions which are still involved in conthe objects of the preceding resolution, the said commit-siderable mystery. Public opinion is not yet settled down tee be further authorized to send for persons and papers, and to compel the attendance before them of such witness or witnesses as they may desire to examine on oath, touching the matter submitted to their investigation; and to report the same to the Senate, with their opinion thereon, together with the nomination aforesaid. A debate ensued; and, on motion of Mr. HOLMES, as to the true causes of the late explosion in the cabinet. That a cabinet of the President's own selection, and whose official duties had, by his own admission, been performed to his entire satisfaction, should so soon be dispersed, is an event so extraordinary in the history of this country, that the public, and especially the Senate, have a right to be informed of the causes which led to, or operated in, producing such a strange result. The people, whose mo The Senate then proceeded to consider the nomination ney has been squandered to derange and reorganize this of Martin Van Buren. On motion that it lie on the table, It was determined in the affirmative-yeas 21, nays 21, as follows: YEAS.-Messrs. Bell, Bibb, Chambers, Clay, Ewing, Foot, Frelinghuysen, Hayne, Holmes, Johnston, Knight, Miller, Moore, Naudain, Prentiss, Robbins, Ruggles, Seymour, Silsbee, Tomlinson, Tyler.--21. NAYS.--Messrs. Benton, Brown, Buckner, Dallas, Dickerson, Ellis, Forsyth, Grundy, Hendricks, Hill, Kane, King, Mangum, Marcy, Robinson, Smith, Tazewell, Tipton, Troup, White, Wilkins.-21. The Senate being equally divided, the VICE PRESIDENT determined the question in the affirmative. cabinet, are interested in this inquiry. If the gentleman whose nomination is now the subject of consideration, has in any way contrived or contributed to bring about the event, it would go far to disqualify him for the office to which he has been nominated; and, if not, it is due to him that the inquiry should be had. Suspicion rests heavy on him; and, when that is the case, it is always good ground for investigation. I did expect that his friends, instead of objecting, would have consented to, and insisted upon, the investigation proposed by the resolution. Is it because they fear the result? They say not; but the inquiry proposed is not in terms what it should be. I, sir, have never insisted that the form of the resolution should be preserved. If I can obtain the object, I will put them in any SENATE.] Executive Proceedings. [JAN. 1832, shape which may be agreeable to a majority of the Senate. wish to suppress all inquiry. It is objected that the inThat this must be an ex parte inquiry, and when Mr. Van vestigation proposed may disclose impeachable matter. Buren is absent, at such a distance that he cannot be in- This is always the bugbear to frighten us away from all formed of the investigations which affect his character, I investigation into the conduct of any man, and to place can only say that, if a man will consent to take an appoint- every officer of your Government beyond the reach of ment in the recess, knowing that the Senate must pass responsibility. But really it seems to me to be exceedupon him in his absence, he takes the hazard of an ex parte investigation, or is willing to trust his case in the care of his friends. Sir, if it be otherwise, the Senate is entirely precluded from any inquiry into his merits until he chooses to return, or the President is pleased to recall him. ingly out of place here. We may find matter that would impeach Mr. Van Buren! How? In what office would he be impeachable? Not as Secretary of State, for he is out of that office. Not as minister to Great Britain, for in that office he, as yet, has done nothing. How, then, I repeat, can we possibly be in any such danger? It does For myself, sir, I am opposed to this nomination on other appear to me that this is the weakest of all objections. But grounds, and I propose this inquiry rather to satisfy others, one word further, in answer to these hackneyed objec. although or this point I should prefer to be satisfied. Itions, as to impeachable matter. The Senate have a pream against him, because he has humbled us in the eyes of sent executive duty to perform--to ascertain whether Mr. foreign nations. He has surrendered the rights of this Van Buren is a proper person for minister to Great Bri country to Great Britain, to sustain his party. It is the tain, in order to determine whether we can give the Prefirst time this country was ever thus disgraced; and I sident our advice and consent to his appointment; and in would it should be the last. And, if I had no other rea- this we are told that we are restrained from inquiry, lest son, his appointment in the recess, to fill a vacancy created this executive duty, which we are now to perform, shall in the recess, is enough for me. I have always disapprov- conflict with a future judicial duty, which we, by possibili ed sending off a minister in the recess of the Senate, ty, may have to perform! Sir, it is enough to state the obwithout the most imperative reasons. It is compelling jection to show its manifest absurdity. And where does the Senate to approve the appointment, or subject us to this argument of the gentleman lead us? It shuts the door the loss of the outfit. I would, at that expense, break up of inquiry forever, and every man, now in office, nomithe practice; it would be an essential saving. It is, more-nated for another, must be "taken and deemed" worthy, over, evading that constitutional check which the Senate lest the Senate should stumble upon impeachable matter! were designed to have in the appointment of ambassa- I find, therefore, that Senators who profess to court indors, and in our foreign negotiations. I would protect quiry, urge objections which would defeat all investiga the exercise of this power by the Senate, and never sur- tion. It must be impossible, then, to frame any resolurender it. tions which would meet their views; and why should I further modify these to please them, when they are determined to be satisfied with nothing? It is objected to these resolutions that they are not sufficiently specific. Sir, it is not expected that a motion for inquiry will be drawn with the same precision as an in- Sir, as to the disgrace attached to these resolutions, I allow dictment. If you can designate the acts precisely, there no man to judge for me what is honorable or disgraceful. is no necessity for inquiry. It is for want of a full know- That they refer to a disgraceful transaction, I readily ad ledge of the particular acts that inquiry has become ne-mit. But I have yet to learn that, if the administration cessary. We know full well that the political movement descend to scandalous transactions, it is beneath the dignity referred to in the resolution has been differently explain- of this Senate to call them to account. ed. Mr. Van Buren himself could not remain without a NOTE.--It is perhaps due to the public that I should, to disfranchisement. What particular disfranchisement that prevent false impressions, explain the reasons why the was, the public has not yet learned. We would like to resolutions which I offered were laid on the table, and know what privileges of a free citizen he was compelled to not afterwards taken up and acted on. The resolutions surrender, as the price of his office, and whether that were objected to by some of Mr. Van Buren's friends, surrender was any way connected with the removals and and the form of them by some of those who eventually the other resignations. Will any one say, or pretend, voted against him. But several of his friends had, in dethat a participation in that extraordinary affair would not bate, urged arguments which would go greatly against affect his qualifications as minister? Sir, whoever brought any resolutions of inquiry upon this nomination-such as about that explosion is unfit for any office. The whole the absence of the person nominated, and the danger nation was convulsed by it, and a stain is cast upon this of finding impeachable matter, &c. To these Senators administration which can never be effaced. The exchange I readily perceived that no inquiry would be acceptable. of officers, too, by the late minister, and the appointment Of those who finally voted against the nomination, some of Mr. Van Buren to succeed him, and so soon after this wished the resolutions modified. To give time to frame explosion, furnishes a sufficient ground of inquiry. The them so as to suit all who wished inquiry, I moved to lay late minister had been out but a short time; he had the resolutions on the table. Whether any resolutions of scarcely become acquainted at the court where he was inquiry could have been framed that would have met the sent. There should be strong reasons for recalling a approbation of the friends of Mr. Van Buren, is not for minister, and supplying his place with a new man, and me to say. After this, I was asked by a member if I inthe expense should never be incurred unless the public tended to call up the resolutions, or bill of indictment," good manifestly demanded it. This looks much like and if I did, when? My answer was--"Not till the grand making provision for a man who, from mysterious circum-jury is full, if at all." Then, turning to a Senator from stances, had been compelled to quit the office which he New York, I informed him distinctly that I would let him had held; and I know no principle in this Government know to-morrow whether I should call up the resolutions which will justify creating offices or vacancies to provide or not; and if it should be my determination to call them up, for favorites, or to reward a partisan. he was to move to go into executive business, for the pur lution, as follows: Do the friends of Mr. Van Buren object to the inquiry? pose of discussing and deciding them. They say no: it is the resolutions to which they object. The next morning I drew a substitute for the first resoAnd yet their reasoning goes against any inquiry. But if the objection is to the manner or extent of the inquiry, why not propose to amend the resolutions, or offer one of their own? Indulging in objections which go to the form, and which seem to be captious withal, indicates strongly a "That the nomination of Martin Van Buren, as minister to Great Britain, be referred to a select committee; and that the committee be instructed to inquire what were the causes of the removal from office of the late Se |