SENATE.] The Tariff. [MARCH 15, 1832. he is willing to reduce them"-but in what manner? the Government, to its own injury, and the injury of its Why, by applying a remedy which is worse than the disease. citizens, hugs the public domain as a miser or Shylock He proposes to reduce the duties upon teas, silks, would his strong box, when no other Government, except wines, velvets, &c.-articles of luxury, which are con- this, the most free on earth, has ever pretended to view sumed by the rich only, and aristocratic nabobs, and leave its public domain as a source of revenue. the duties upon articles of prime necessity, such as enter Frequent appeals have been made to the liberality of into the consumption of every man, as they are now, the this body in favor of the hardy pioneers of the West; effect of which will be to increase the protection; to rivet frequent memorials have been presented from legislative this system, in its most odious form, upon us, to the end bodies, recommending the passage of the bill graduating of time; to throw the entire burdens of the Government the price of the public lands, generally called the measure upon the South; to coerce bounties to enrich the manu-of the honorable Senator from Missouri, [Mr. BENTON.] facturers, and exempt the manufacturing States then, as And I am glad to say, the General Assembly of the State they are now, from contributing their due proportion to I have the honor, in part, to represent, has, on more than the support of Government. And this, sir, is the scheme one occasion, passed resolves expressive of the high sense from which we are to receive such rich blessings. May of gratitude they feel to the honorable Senator for the God, in his infinite mercy, avert it from us. zeal, exertion, and talent he has exercised in endeavoring to promote this desirable measure. But the honorable Senator asks, "why should not a poor man be permitted to regale himself with a social glass of wine occasionally, as well as the rich? And why should not the poor man's daughter and wife be permitted to clad themselves in a silk gown, at least in going to church on the Lord's day, as well as the rich?" But, sir, what has been the result? The measure has been resisted with a pertinacity equalled only by the impolicy of that resistance; and honest and respectable citizens have been driven from our own country into a neighboring province, where they obtain better lands upon better terms. Now, sir, the obvious answer to all this is, that, being plain, country people, finding the pressure of the times so Mr. President, is there any plausible apology for this? hard that they cannot make buckle and tongue meet, The public domain has been pledged for the payment of that, with the most intense labor and industry, the pro- the public debt. This debt is now liquidated, and the ceeds of the year will not meet the ordinary expenses pledge redeemed. Would it not be better for the Goand disbursements thereof, they are, therefore, compelled vernment to boast of a free, happy, and independent to submit to many privations, and they think they can better dispense with the tea, the wine, the silk gown, and the prunelle shoes, than to be deprived of a little salt, sugar, and coffee, a warm coat, flannels, and farming utensils. And, sir, I request the honorable Senator to tell me which class of articles the honest yeomanry of the country can best dispense with the use of-those acknow ledged to be articles of luxury, which the poor do not want, and which are intended only for the mouths and backs of a proud and pampered aristocracy, or those of such absolute necessity that nature cannot subsist, nor agricultural pursuits be carried on, without them. I will not yet believe but the honorable Senator and his friends will see the propriety of relaxing in this measure, and making some concession to the wounded feelings and just claims of the South. Let me tell the honorable gentlemen, that they will urge in vain that this system is of benefit to the Southern people, and that we are incapable of appreciating its value. I hope gentlemen will not longer add to injury and oppression the insult of supposing that we do not understand our own interest. population, permanently located, improving the wilderness and wild woods; who, having a permanent interest, calculated to increase their attachment and devotion to the country, would constitute them the most firm and valuable defence to that Government, when invaded by an enemy, than to boast of countless millions of acres of land, to them valueless? Sir, I will not say that this illiberality towards the West has been practised upon as a part of the system in the tariff operations, but I will say that the effect of it has been greatly to favor that interest, and to check the growth and the prosperity of the West, and more especially so in the new States. Sir, you place a minimum price upon your public domain, beyond its value; and, what is more absurd and preposterous, is, that you estimate good and bad land at the same price; soil, which is adapted to the culture of sugar cane, that which will produce two thousand pounds of cotton to the acre, and poor pine barrens and marshy swamps, are, by your arrangement, placed at the same price, and in this way you deprive the poor laborer of the power or inducement to purchase, and he and his family are compelled to enter some manufacturing establishment, or become tenants at will, for a support. We were informed by the honorable Senator, in 1824, as we have been now, that to give protection to home industry, would, in a few years, create competition, and thus reduce the price of articles protected--but one ounce And yet, in the view of the honorable Senator from of experience on this subject is worth pounds of theory. Maine, much has been done for the agricultural inteAnd experience proves that these calculations and antici- rest. Sir, it is our misfortune in this case, also, as it is pations have been entirely unfounded and fallacious. in regard to the tariff, that we are incapable of perceiving But we are indebted to the honorable Senator from or estimating its advantages. Maine, [Mr. HOLMES,] for one particular instance of the Another subject intimately connected with the tariffmarked attention and liberality of the Government to the yes, its twin sister, marching side by side, furnishing food agricultural interest. That honorable gentleman has in- for its sustenance, and aid in placing burdens upon the formed the Senate, "that much has been done for this inter- South-is the system of internal improvement, by which est in great facilities afforded to purchasers of public lands." the same much favored sections claim the right to tax the Can the honorable Senator be serious in this position? Southern people, for the purpose of erecting their breakBy an official document which has been furnished this waters and roads and canals. Yes, sir, by this system, a body, it appears there are in the Western and Southwest- citizen of Alabama is made to pay his proportion of the ern States one hundred and forty-one thousand three tax to erect the Maysville road in Kentucky, which I view hundred and thirty-nine persons without a foot of land, as equivalent to a demand upon our citizens to take their and the Government holding millions of acres, which have pickaxes upon their shoulders, and march with the United been in market from five to fifteen years, at a minimum States' engineer to Kentucky, for the purpose of erecting price, so high that no man can or will purchase. Sir, the said Maysville or some other road, to promote the internal commercial advantages of that particular quarter. But, sir, I congratulate the citizens of the South, that if, as has been intimated by the honorable Senator from Ohio 57,286, Indiana 13,485, Illinois 9,220, Missouri 10,118, Alabama 39,368, Mississippi 5,505, Louisiana 3,466, Florida 1,908, Michigan 935. Total 141,339. There were no returns from Arkansas. MARCH 15, 1832.] The Tariff. [SENATE. Maine, [Mr. HOLMES,] the Chief Magistrate has not used of the many. This alarming principle leads to the union in his messages, heretofore, language sufficiently explicit of the worst of human passions. Cupidity and ambition, as to his views in relation to the tariff, as regards this under its deleterious influence, administer to each other, system, he has been more fortunate, and adopts language at the expense of the community. Cupidity will barter which cannot be mistaken, I think, as respects his veto worlds for money; and unchastened ambition will filch message upon the Maysville road bill, and other similar from the poor man's toil a portion of its just reward, to projects. The honorable Senator will agree with me that appease the cupidity of the cold, calculating monopolist." he has been sufficiently plain and decisive; and, sir, 1 "Let it not be again said, that, because the Southwest cannot but believe, if the honorable gentleman could divest and South send no agents to beset the members of Conhimself of all partiality for these darling bantlings, the gress, and have forborne to petition or remonstrate in tariff and internal improvement system, that he would every village, or to call a counter convention, they are so also unite with me in saying, that, for having crippled, if recreant to duty, as to acquiesce in the proposed oppresnot entirely destroyed, one branch of this unauthorized sion. On the contrary, let it be distinctly understood that system of taxation, the President has given evidence of Alabama, in common with the Southern and Southwestern high claims to the continued confidence and gratitude of States, regards the power assumed by the General Gothe community. vernment to control her internal concerns, by protecting Mr. President, in the name of our sacred Union, I pro-duties beyond the fair demands of the revenue, as a paltest against this miscalled American system, which, con-pable usurpation of power not given by the constitution." trary to justice, to the constitution of our common country, Mr. BENTON, of Missouri, next rose. The present to all the sacred rights of freemen, imposes a tax upon session of Congress, said Mr. B., was looked to with great my constituents, for the purpose of enriching another anxiety by the people of this Union, as the one which was section of the Union. It is an outrage, to which no pa- to effect a large reduction in the public revenue, and an triotism can prompt any people, claiming to be free, to equitable modification in the existing tariff. The people submit, and which, if persisted in, will prove a hazardous expected these things from us; but up to this moment experiment, so long as there remains one spark of that they seem to be in a fair way to be disappointed; for no spirit in the Southern States, which resisted the unautho-bill has even yet been brought in to accomplish their just rized taxation of the mother country. expectations; and we are now well advanced in the fourth Mr. President, in concluding my remarks, you will be month of the session. pleased to permit me to read some extracts from a joint The President of the United States has certainly perremonstrance of the General Assembly of the State of formed his part. His annual message, received by us in Alabama, adopted with great unanimity, sir, in both the first week of December, contained a strong recombranches, in 1828, by way of showing how far the feelings of the citizens of the State of Alabama are in accordance with the views which I have endeavored to declare, as one of their representatives. mendation to this Congress to reduce the revenue to the wants of the Government, and to adjust the duties on foreign imports so as to favor our national interest at home, and counteract adverse policy from abroad; and he showed "The General Assembly of Alabama, alive to the us, in the same message, that the state of the finances, rights of the people they serve, and the interest of the and the state of the country, required these things to be country in which they live, (however painful the duty,) done, and to be done now! These recommendations will feel themselves called on by the crisis to protest most shield the President from censure for neglect in failing to solemnly against the principle asserted by the General bring the subject of the tariff before us; and it ought to Government to control the labor of the nation, by protect- shield him from the imputation of double dealing on that ing certain branches of domestic industry, at the expense subject. It ought to sheld him from that imputation! For his of others. We do not complain of the power to raise sentiments are plainly expressed, and are, therefore, intelrevenue or regulate commerce. These powers are ex-ligible. They are publicly delivered, and are, thereby, pressly granted to preserve the existence and promote universally known. They are in accordance with all his the harmony and prosperity of the Government. Nor do previous acts and words upon the tariff, and are, therewe complain of the incidental protection that may result fore, entitled to credit for candor and sincerity, I might from a well adjusted "tariff," imposed on the importation go further, and say that his sentiments are in accordance of foreign goods, with a view to revenue alone, nor yet of with the public wishes and the public interests; but I the occasional inequalities that must attend the operation will not presume to speak for a nation! I will speak of any general system." for myself alone, and will say that the President has "It is not of these powers that we complain, but it is the well expressed my sentiments in this recommendation, assertion of another, and a very different one. It is the such as I have often declared them to the Senate here, assertion of the power to impose a duty on any article of and to my constituents at home; and, this being the case, foreign commerce, not because we want revenue, or the it is my duty, still more than my inclination, to defend regulations of commerce, as such require improvement; these sentiments, at this time, and in this place, arraigned but because we want to exclude the foreign in favor of the as they have been on this floor, and stigmatized as ruinous domestic fabric. This power is not granted in the constitu- to the country. tion, and must be sustained, if at all, by the pliable doctrine I am in favor of reducing the revenue to the wants of of implication; and, as it is not necessary to the power to the Government, not only for the reasons which have been raise revenue or regulate commerce, it cannot be sustained mentioned by the President and by several Senators, but as an incidental or implied power; on the contrary, it is a sub-for another reason in addition, and which presents itself stantive, distinct power, resting on assumption, and fraught to my mind as a compact between the States and the with frightful danger. It has no limit but the caprice of Federal Government. We all know that the present form those who assert its existence, and is necessarily subject of Government grew out of the weakness of the Governto all the varying views of supposed convenience, and the ment of the confederation, and that the taxing power was fugitive conceits of expediency. The unlimited nature of the hinge upon which the change turned. The Congress this power, and the dangerous purposes to which it may of the confederation had no power to tax the people of be applied, render it odious, and unfit to mingle in human the States. It had no power over the purse. It could affairs. Its natural offspring is monopoly; and its natural only ask for money; and this being found a slow way to obtendency is to divide the community into nabobs and pau- tain it, the power of taxing was applied for. The States pers, to accumulate overgrown wealth in the hands of the refused this power, because the Congress might abuse it, few, and to extend the poverty, the vices, and the miseries and levy too much; they refused to vest the Congress of SENATE.] The Tariff. [MARCH 15, 1832. I do the confederation with power to levy duties upon imports, until the new constitution was ratified by the States. and to regulate the foreign commerce of the States, be- not quote from each of these periods, because it would cause they saw that, in'granting these powers, they yielded consume time, and present innumerable repetitions of the the unlimited and responsible power of taxation, and left same thing. But I will' remark, that the answer of the themselves without defence against the exactions of the Congress of 1781 to the Rhode Island objections, was General Government. They resisted--they refused. To drawn by the men who were the fathers of the preall the solicitations of Congress they turned a deaf ear, sent constitution. It was drawn by General Hamilton, and were inexorable. For ten years they held out; but Mr. Madison, and Mr. Fitzsimmons, adopted by Congress the convention of 1787 inserted these two powers in the unanimously, and promulgated to the States as a public new constitution, and the States, with infinite difficulty, official act. It was the manifesto of Congress! and conwere induced to acquiesce; but that acquiescence was the stantly referred to, and relied upon, until the constitution effect, not of arguments, but of pledges!-pledges of was produced by the convention of 1787, and ratified by that high and solemn nature which no man of that day the States. Hamilton, Madison, and Fitzsimmons were prewas permitted to believe could ever be violated. As I sent at every scene--the federal convention-the State consider this pledge as a corner-stone, lying at the foun- conventions--the public press-repeating their pledge, dation of the present constitution, I will take care to esta- and going security for the new Government never to vio blish it by proof; and for that purpose will have recourse late it. And thus I consider a pledge to abolish the duto the legislative history of the proceedings of the Con- ties levied on account of the public debt, the moment that gress of the confederation which led to the adoption of debt was to be paid, to be a compact between the States the present constitution, contained in the first volume of and the Federal Government, and a condition precedent the Laws of the United States. I read from the Rhode agreed upon between the parties, and without which the Island objections to the application of Congress for power unlimited and irresponsible power of taxation would to levy duties on, and regulate foreign commerce. never have been given to this Congress. Here is the objection. Listen to it. Forty years have passed by--the event has been delayed "That, by granting to Congress a power to collect far beyond the expectations of the year 1787-but the 'moneys from the commerce of these States, indefinitely event has at last arrived, the public debt is paid! for all 'as to time and quantity, and for the expenditure of which legislative purposes it is now considered as paid; and they are not to be accountable to the States, they would States, not one, but many, not the new only, but the old become independent of their constituents, and so the ones, who were party to the establishment of the Federal 'proposed impost is repugnant to the liberty of the United Government--who received from the old Congress the 'States." solemn pledge to abolish duties at the payment of the And here is the answer to that objection. Listen to it public debt-these States now stand before you, and dealso. mand the redemption of that pledge. Sixteen millions of "Admitting the principle of this objection to be true, revenue were raised for the public debt last year; the same still it ought to have no weight in the present case, be- amount is now levying for the debt this year; but next cause there is no analogy between the principle and the year it will not be wanted, nor in any year thereafter; and fact. The fund proposed is sufficiently definite as to the abolition of these sixteen millions is now demanded, de'time, because it is only coextensive with the existence of manded as a right, and that by nearly one-half the States of 'the debt contracted, and to be contracted, in the course this Union. The demand is resisted, and resisted on the of the war. Congress are persuaded that it is as remote ground that the reduction will destroy the protection due 'from the intention of their constituents to perpetuate to domestic manufactures, and will cover the country with that debt, as to extinguish it at once by a faithless neglect desolation, and lead to the dissolution of the Union. Sir, of providing the means to fulfil the public engagements. I pass over the first and most obvious answer to this obTheir ability to discharge it in a moderate time, can be jection-the answer which tells us that the private interests as little doubted as their inclination; and the moment that of the manufacturers cannot be set up to vacate a fundadebt ceases, the duty, as far as it respects the present mental compact between the States and the Federal Go'provision, ceases with it.” vernment. I pass over that answer which is in the nature of a demurrer, admitting the fact, and denying its sufficiency. I pass over that answer, because I do not admit, but deny the truth of the answer. I take issue upon its truth; and mean to go to trial upon the fact before the Mark, I beseech you, Mr. President, the language of this objection, and of this answer. The objection is to the revenue-raising power, and is threefold in its nature. 1st. Because the exercise of the power was to be indefinite as to time. 2d. Because the revenue to be raised American people. was to be unlimited as to quantity. 3d. Because the I maintain, sir, that the federal revenue may be reduced Federal Congress was to be unaccountable to the States to the wants of the Government, as recommended in the for the expenditure of this revenue. This was the three- President's message, not only without destroying domesfold nature of the objection; and the conclusion, or infer- tic manufactures, but without hurting or injuring them in ence, from the whole, was, that such a grant of power was the slightest degree. This is my assertion! The proof incompatible with the liberty of the States. Now, mark and the demonstration shall follow; for I know how insigthe answer. It admits the conclusion which the objection nificant it is to make bold assertions without adequate draws, but denies the premises. It admits the incompatibility proofs at hand to support them. And here, sir, permit between the liberty of the States, and the grant of un-me to presume that I am a friend to domestic industry, limited and irresponsible power of taxation in the Federal and voted for the tariff of 1824 with the approbation of Government; but takes a distinction between the princi- my judgment, and for that of 1828 with repugnance and ple and the fact--between the possession and the exercise of misgivings. I am a friend to domestic industry, and mean unlimited power; and, while admitting the tyranny of the to protect-it, according to what I believe to be the true poprinciple, denies the analogy of the fact, and solemnly licy of the country, sanctioned by the constitution and by pledges the whole faith of Congress against the exercise of the practice of the framers of the constitution. I will the power. The pledge is contained in the solemn declara- give protection, as an incident to revenue; and this is the tion that the duties imposed for the payment of the public kind of protection which is coeval with the foundation of debt shall cease to exist the moment that debt is paid! our Government, and under which manufactures attained Such was the objection, and such the answer: and such a high degree of importance under the first twenty years they continued to be, in every stage of the process, till of its existence; and that without giving the least dissatisthe convention of 1787 was assembled, and afterwards, faction to any part of the Union. As far back as the year Saddlery [SENATE. 1810, our manufactures had attained the annual value of lars annually; and that, of this amount, no less than forty one hundred and twenty millions of dollars, (as we learn thousand dollars worth in the year 1830 had done what from Mr. Gallatin's report--a report which ought to have the combined fleets and armies of the world could not do; shielded him from the reproach which has been cast upon it had scaled the rock of Gibraltar, penetrated to the heart him here!) and that under a low rate of revenue duties, of the British garrison, taken possession of his Britannic ranging from five to fifteen per centum. The same rate Majesty's soldiers, bound their arms, legs, and bodies, and of protection would now produce two hundred and forty strutted in triumph over the ramparts and batteries of that millions of manufactures annually-for our population is inattackable fortress; and now, sir, I will use no more of doubled since 1810. But it is not desired or intended, by the gentleman's admissions. I will draw upon my own any Senators with whom I am acquainted, to reduce ma- resources; and will show nearly the whole list of our donufactures to the degree of protection possessed at that mestic manufactures to be in the same flourishing conditime. The lowest rate proposed by the anti-tariff gentle- tion with cottons actually going abroad to seek competimen is double and treble what it then was; and, for my- tion, without protection, in every foreign clime, and self, I shall not go so low as they do. contending victoriously with foreign manufactures wherI now proceed to the proof of my assertion that the re-ever they can encounter them. I read from the customvenue may be reduced to the wants of the Government, house returns of 1830-the last that has been printed. without affecting or impairing the successful progress of Listen to it! any manufacture. And here I would ask, how many, and which are the articles that require the present high rate of protection? Certainly not the cotton manufacture; for Soap and tallow candles the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. CLAY,] who appears on Leather boots and shoes this floor as the leading champion of domestic manufac- Household furniture tures, and whose admissions of fact must be conclusive Coaches and carriages against his arguments of theory! this Senator tells you, Hats and dwells upon the disclosure with triumphant exultation, that American cottons are now exported to Asia, and sold Wax at a profit in the cotton markets of Canton and Calcutta! Spirits from grain, beer, ale, &c. Surely, sir, our tariff laws of 1824 and 1828 are not in Snuff and tobacco, (manufactured) · force in Bengal and China. And I appeal to all mankind Linseed oil and spirits of turpentine for the truth of the inference, that, if our cottons can go Cordage to these countries, and be sold at a profit without any pro-Iron, pig, bar, and nails tection at all, they can stay at home, and be sold to our Castings of iron own citizens, without loss, under a less protection than 50 and 250 per centum! One fact, Mr. President, is said to be worth a thousand theories; I will add that it is worth a hundred thousand speeches; and this fact, that American cottons now traverse the one-half of the circumference of this globe-cross the equinoctial line-descend to the antipodes-seek foreign cottons on the double theatre of British and Asiatic competition, and come off victorious from the contest--is a full and overwhelming answer to all the speeches that have been made, or ever can be made, Twist, yarn, and thread do. in favor of high protecting duties on these cottons at All other manufactures of cotton home. The only effect of such duties is to cut off con- Wearing apparel sumption--to create monopoly at home-to enable our Combs and buttons manufacturers to sell their goods higher to their own chris- Umbrellas and parasols tian fellow-citizens, than to the pagan worshippers of Fo Leather and morocco skins and of Brahma! to enable the inhabitants of the Ganges Printing presses and types and the Burrampooter to wear American cottons upon Books and maps cheaper terms than the inhabitants of the Ohio and Mis- Paper and other stationery sissippi. And every Western citizen knows the fact, that Paints and varnish when these shipments of American cottons were making Vinegar to the extremities of Asia, the price of these same cottons Earthen and stone ware was actually raised 20 and 25 per cent. in all the towns of the West: with this further difference to our prejudice, that we can only pay for them in money, while the inhabitants of Asia make payment in the products of their own country. All manufactures of iron Copper and brass, (manufactured) Domestic Manufactures exported in 1830. $619,238 338,603 239,463 51,130 309,362 36,651 153,666 225,327 246,747 35,039 4,135 96,183 35,408 177,876 49,798 193,084 128,625 36,601 92,154 61,800 964, 196 1,093 24,744 266,350 102,277 124,589 25,796 70,968 10,261 32,004 40,334 13,716 6,699 2,773 60,280 13,707 3,968 6,654 22,978 Printed and colored cotton goods Glass This is what the gentleman's admission proved; but I do This is the list of domestic manufactures exported to not come here to argue upon admissions, whether candid, foreign countries. It comprehends the whole, or nearly or unguarded, of the adversary speakers. I bring my the whole, of that long catalogue of items which the Seown facts and proofs; and, really, sir, I have a mind to nator from Kentucky [Mr. CLAY] read to us on the second complain that the gentleman's admission about cottons day of his discourse; and shows the whole to be going has crippled the force of my argument-that it has abroad, without a shadow of protection, to seek compeweakened its effect, by letting out half at a time, and de- tion, in foreign markets, with the foreign goods of all stroyed its novelty, by an anticipated revelation. The the world. The list of articles I have read, contains near truth is, I have this fact (that we exported domestic cot- fifty varieties of manufactures, (and I have omitted many tons) treasured up in my magazine of argument, and in- minor articles,) amounting, in value, to near six millions of tended to produce it at the proper time, to show that we dollars! And now behold the diversity of human reasonexported this article, not to Canton and Calcutta alone, ing! The Senator from Kentucky exhibits a list of artibut to all quarters of the globe; not a few cargoes only, cles manufactured in the United States, and argues that by way of experiment, but in great quantities, as a regu- the slightest diminution in the enormous protection they lar trade to the amount of a million and a quarter of dol-now enjoy, will overwhelm the whole in ruin, and cover SENATE.] The Tariff. [MARCH 15, 1832. Price Bushels, Value. per bush. the land with desolation. I exhibit the same list, and Quantity, value, and price, per bushel, (of 56 lbs.) of salt argue that these articles can bear, without injury, a very imported into the United States, for the year 1830. considerable diminution. He says, if there is the least diminution, foreigners will come here and undersell them; I say, no, because these articles now go abroad, and undersell foreigners, in foreign markets, without a particle of protection. This is the difference in our reasoning, for our facts are the same; and which is right, I leave to From the Swedish West the common sense of all mankind to say. I do not propose to comment, item by item, on all the articles contained in this list. I have read it in detail, and leave the reflections which the reading suggests to the understandings of others. A few items only I will examine, for the purpose of exemplifying my own opinion of the tariff, and of the kind of modification it ought to receive. In some instances, the manufacture is so generally diffused, and the price reduced so low by domestic competition, that the duty is a dead letter, giving no preference to the artisan, adding no increase of price to the purchaser; and, in such cases, no practical man should trouble himself about the duty. In other instances, the domestic supply is far from being equal to the demand; large foreign supplies must be procured, and the duty on the foreign articles is paid by the consumer; in such instances, there ought to be a reasonable reduction. In other instances, again, the duty enables a few to engross the domestic market, and to exact extortionate prices, where, in fact, no duty is necessary at all to give them a fair profit; and, in such cases, the duty should be abolished. In other instances, the foreign article has no rival or substitute manufactured in the United States; and, in such cases, the foreign article should be freed from duty. I do not now travel over the list to exemplify these positions; the time will come for that exemplification when we arrive at the details of the bill. I will take two items only to illustrate some part of my meaning, namely, iron and salt. The list shows a large exportation, upwards of $300,000 worth of domestic iron, and its manufactures. Turning to the detailed statement from which this summary list is compiled, and we find this entry under the head of nails- "To Cuba, 1,030,376 lbs.—value $61,216." Now, sir, let any person who can work a sum in the golden rule of three, calculate the price of these nails per pound. He will find it to be less than six cents; and whether these exported nails consisted of an assortment, which is most probable, or were all of the lowest price, which is impossible to believe, it will turn out that American nails are exported for less than they are sold at home: for it is incontestable that the people of the West pay more than six cents a pound for their nails. The list also contains this item-- "Salt, Dutch West Indies, England, Scotland, Spain, on the Medi- Indies, 6,278 $ 500 8 Danish West Indies, 24,233 2,656 11 962 12 Spain, on the At- Fayal and other Italy and Malta, Trieste and other Adriatic ports, Turkey, Levant, and Egypt, Mexico, 157 86 541 Colombia, Cuba, Other Spanish West West Indies gene- In this list, sir, behold the import price--the first costof all the variety of salt imported into the United States, See the pure, natural, crystallized, sun-made salt, which comes from Spain, Portugal, France, and the West In$22,378." dies, costing seven, eight, or nine cents a bushel. See Turning to the detailed statement, and we find that this that which comes from the coasts and the islands of the salt of domestic manufacture goes to Canada, actually goes Mediterranean, and the head of the Adriatic sea, and into his Britannic Majesty's dominions, where British salt which is equally pure, strong, and good, costing no more comes free of duty, and where it has to contend with that than three, four, five, and six cents a bushel. Then look salt, upon its own territory, and without a particle of pro- at the price of this salt in the seaport towns, generally tection. Now, why not contend with it also at home, ranging between forty and fifty cents a bushel; look at upon our territories, upon the same terms? It can cer- the price of the same salt in the interior of the country, tainly stand the competition better at home than abroad. when sold to the farmer, and observe this price increased Why, then, does it want protection at home? Mr. Presi- to about one dollar, and the bushel reduced to fifty pounds; dent, another opportunity will present itself for going at observe these things, and tell me the reason of this exces large into the whole question of the salt tax; but I can- sive, this monstrous, this astonishing disproportion be not permit this opportunity--so forcibly presented by the tween the import and the retail price. Look at the actual view of American salt exported to the British dominions-to pass by, without unfolding the peculiar operation of the tariff laws upon this article of universal and prime necessity. I will make a brief exposition of this cruel operation; and, first, we will see the quantity and value of foreign salt imported into the United States, as shown in the custom-house returns of 1830. respective prices of the English fire-made salt, and the natural sun-made salt, which comes from twenty other countries, and tell me the reason why that which cost double, and is worth but half as much as the other, sells for about the same price in our market. Tell me why it is that all qualities are levelled, and all prices raised, to the same standard, and profits of four or five hundred per |