his life. Mr. Jefferson's talent at epistolary composition was peculiarly happy, and perhaps unrivalled. But his correspondence and other literary employments did not occupy his whole attention. At this advanced period of life, his active mind, always intent on promoting the best inte rests of his race, led him to engage in a work of great and lasting utility. We allude to the establishment of the university of Virginia, of which he was rector and visiter, and which occupied a large share of his attention during the last years of his life. All his useful and great labors on earth being finished, his end seemed to be approaching. He viewed it with calmness and serenity, and seemed to manifest some uneasiness in waiting for his departure. He however had one wish, which was granted him. This cannot be expressed so well as in the language of one of his eulogists: "That day was at hand which he had helped to make immortal. One wish, one hope-if it were not presumptuous-beat in his fainting breast. Could it be somight it please God-he would desire once more to see the sun-once more to look abroad on the scene around him, on the great day of liberty, Heaven in its mercy fulfilled that prayer. He saw that sun-he enjoyed its sacred light-he thanked God for this mercy, and bowed his aged head to the grave." He expired at Monticello, at one o'clock in the afternoon, on the 4th of July, 1826, the half century anniversary of that day, which is first in the annals of his country, and in his own fame.

Sec. 12 The second session of the nineteenth congress commenced on the fourth of December, 1826. The message of the president on the following day contained a minute and flattering detail of the concerns of the nation, both foreign and domestic.

During this session several subjects were presented to the consideration of the national legislature, a rapid view of which will be given in this place.

The first of these related to the West India trade. For a time this trade had been interrupted, and negociations. with the British government had been suspended on the following point, viz. that the produce of the United States should be admitted into the West Indies, on the same terms with that of the Canadas. This point Mr. Gallatin, at this Webster's Address.

J

time representing the American government at the court of St. James', was authorized to relinquish. But the British minister, Mr. Canning, replied, that all further negociations on the subject would be useless. This being communicated to congress, the subject was referred, both in the senate and house of representatives, to their respective committees on commerce, which united in recommending a bill prohibiting all intercourse with the colonies, either in British or other vessels, until the trade should be placed on a footing of reciprocity. Owing, however, to some disagreement between the houses, neither bill became a law, and here the subject ended until the administration of 1829 appointed a new minister, with instructions to renew the negotiations. This was done, and the trade has been partially restored; but with concessions on the part of the Americans, which are considered by the opposers of the administration to be both humbling and indefensible.

Another subject of much interest discussed by the congress of 1826 was the duty on woollens, laid by the tariff of 1824, which was found to have failed to afford the expected protection to American manufactures, in consequence of an almost total repeal on the part of Great Britain of their duty on the raw material. Hence, a bill was introduced by the committee on manufactures for an increase of the duty on wool and woollens, with a view to afford the encouragement originally intended. After a protracted discussion, the bill passed the house on the 9th of February, 1827; ayes 106, noes 95. In the senate it was laid on the table, on the 28th of February, by the casting vote of the vicepresident.

The above failure of the woollens bill induced the Pennsylvania society for the promotion of manufactures, to take measures for a general convention of the friends of the American system, at Harrisburg, on the 30th of July, 1827, to deliberate on the measures proper to be taken to encourage domestic industry. This convention consisted of one hundred members from thirteen states, including all north and east of Virginia, inclusive, excepting the state of Maine, and the states of Kentucky and Ohio. This convention agreed on a memorial to congress, praying an increase of duties on woollen manufactures, and the raw material; also, on the manufactures of hemp, flax, and cotton, and on iron, steel, and distilled spirits.

The convention of Harrisburg being viewed with great jealousy by the south, a counter convention was summoned

at Columbia, in South Carolina, at which the governor of the state presided, and by which the power of congress to impose duties to protect domestic industry was denied, and the policy reprobated in the most unqualified terms.

Sec. 13. On the 4th of December, 1827, the first meeting of the twentieth congress commenced. The revision of the tariff, with a view to afford adequate protection to American manufactures, was by far the most interesting subject which presented itself to the deliberations of the legislature at this session. On the 22d of April, a bill for that purpose passed the house of representatives, and on the 13th of May the senate, which, however, was by no means conformable to the wishes of the advocates of the protecting system.

In his annual report to the house, at the commencement of the session, the secretary of the treasury, in a labored discussion, maintained a system of protecting duties to be essential to the prosperity and independence of the nation. The subject was referred in the house to the committee on manufactures. The chairman of that committee was Mr. Mallory, of Vermont, an able and zealous advocate for the protecting system. A majority of the committee was opposed to it, and a bill, such as the majority directed, was presented to the house on the 31st of January. In regard to woollens, the duty on the manufacture compared to that on the raw material, placed the manufacturer in a worse situation than under the tariff of 1824, and seemed likely to destroy the establishments, and with them the production of the raw material.

Pending the discussion of this bill, meetings were held in various parts of the United States to express the views of different classes of the community upon the subject. To the principle of protection the south was universally opposed, and generally importing merchants throughout the country. In the east, north, and west, the farmers, manufacturers, and mechanics, supported the principle of protection, but were opposed to many of the leading features of the bill.

On the final passage of the bill, the ayes in the house were 105, noes 94. In the senate, ayes 26, noes 21. To

the country at large the measure gave little satisfaction, and those for whose benefit it was professedly enacted, predicting its short continuance, slowly and cautiously adapted their business with a view to avail themselves of its provisions.

Sec. 14. During the year 1828, the approaching presidential election was the all engrossing topic of political discussion. The two candidates were Mr. Adams and General Jackson. Their claims to the presidency were urged by their respective parties by a zeal which led to the most unwarrantable scrutiny of private life, and an unjustifiable attack upon private character. The result of the contest was a large majority in the electoral colleges for General Jackson; 178 being for him, and only 83 for Mr. Adams.

The administration of Mr. Adams, from its very commencement, met with a powerful opposition. The circumstance of his not having been elected by the people, united to the small majority by which he was elected to his office in congress, was sufficient to call forth loud complaints, on the part of his opponents, and to justify, in their view, a more than usual watchfulness over his administration. Great pains were early taken to render him and his measures unpopular. The charge of a corrupt bargain between the president and secretary of state continued to be pertinaciously adhered to, and to be republished from mouth to mouth. The Panama mission was represented as a measure weak and injudicious, and the failure to obtain a participation in the British West India trade was averred to be in consequence of culpable mismanagement. Besides, it was charged upon his administration that it was wasteful and extravagant.

Whatever might be the injustice of these accusations, and of a host of others, they were published abroad with the manifest design of preventing Mr. Adams' re-election. With what effect they were urged, the election of 1829 revealed. On canvassing the votes of the electoral colleges, it was apparent that the friends of General Jackson had obtained as triumphant a victory, as those of the existing administration had experienced a mortifying defeat.

It has been well observed, and with the remarks of the writer we quote, we conclude, "That the events attending the political change of 1829, evince that when a prize of such magnitude as the presidency of the United States is set up, free to be contended for by all their citizens, the struggle will be arduous. All the human passions will be called into operation; the character of the means will not be regarded, provided they conduce to the end. In other nations, struggles for the supreme power have ever been attended with bloodshed. In this, the same passions operating, the virtue and intelligence of the people, with the most alarming examples in their own hemisphere before them, have hitherto stopped short of the last resort; whether, with the increasing magnitude of the object, this will continue to be the case, is as yet problematical, and dependant upon the good sense, virtue, and moderation, of the American people."

NOTES.

Sec. 15. MANNERS. Two centuries have elapsed since the first settlements were commenced in the United States by Europeans, yet the people have not acquired that uniform character, which belongs to ancient nations, upon whom time and the stability of institutions have imprinted a particular and individual character. Although partial changes have occurred, which have been noticed in the progress of this work, yet, so far down as the present time, the essential variations which have taken place are few. The general physiognomy is nearly as varied as the origin of the population is different.

A marked distinction undoubtedly exists between the inhabitants of the commercial and maritime towns and the villages of the country. The former, in a more considerable degree, as to luxury and vice, resemble the great towns of Europe. Those of the country, who lead an agricultural life, preserve much of the simplicity, with something of the roughness, of former days; but they enjoy all that happiness which proceeds from the exercise of the social virtues in their primitive purity. Their affections are constant; felicity crowns the conjugal union; parental authori