What, was he afraid, would be established over posterity? What did be fear for the mem, mem hers of Congress? Who is represented as replying to these objections? First sentence of A's reply? Whose injustice drove us to arms? What obligation did he caution them against violating? was resumed, agreeably to assignment, and discussed for four days. Of this awfully interesting scene Mr. Webster has given us a most striking miniature picture. † Who had made the motion for Washington's appointment? What, did A. say, must go on? Why was independence thought desirable in relation to other nations?-to England? What comfort did he draw, when he considered the possibility of failure? What more did he say of failure? to resist the whole strength of the arm of England? for she will exert that strength to the utmost. Can we rely on the constancy and perseverance of the people 2 or will they not act, as the people of other countries have acted; and wearied with a long war, submit, in the end, to a worse oppression? While we stand on our old ground, and insist on redress of grievances, we know we are right, and are not answer "Let us, then," says he, "bring before us the assembly, which was about to decide a question, thus big with the fate of empire. Let us open their doors, and look in upon their deliberations. Let us survey the anxious and care-worn countenances; let us hear the firm-tonedable for consequences. Nothing, voices, of this band of patriots. But then, can be imputable to us. HANCOCK presides over the solemn sitting; and one of those, not vet prepared to pronounce for absolute independence, is on the floor, and is urging his reasons for dis-shall no longer be defending what senting from the declaration. we possess, but struggling for some. thing, which we never did possess, and which we have solemnly and uniformly disclaimed all intention Let us pause! This step, once taken, cannot be retraced. This resolution, once passed, will cut off all hope of reconciliation. If suc-of pursuing, from the very outset cess attend the arms of England, of the troubles. Abandoning thus we shall then be no longer colonies, our old ground of resistance only with charters, and with privileg-to arbitrary acts of oppression, the es; these will all be forfeited by nations will believe the whole to this act; and we shall be in the have been mere pretence, and they condition of other conquered peo-will look on us, not as injured, but ple, at the mercy of the conquerors. as ambitious, subjects. I shudder, For ourselves, we may be ready to before this responsibility. It will run the hazard; but are we ready be on us, if relinquishing the ground to carry the country to that length? we have stood on so long, and stood Is success SO probable as to justify on so safely, we now proclaim init? Where is the military, where dependence, and carry on the war the naval power, by which we are for that object, while these cities burn, these pleasant fields whiten and bleach with the bones of their owners,and these streams run blood + See discourse on Ada ns and Jefferson, p. 36. What did he say the cause of in- How, did he think, the day of dependence would raise up ?-cre-independence would be afterwards regarded? What was he willing to stake upon independence? How did he conclude Of what, may these speeches be considered as exhibiting a specimen? Of the views and feelings of many others. It will be upon us, it will be upon near you, are you not both already us, if failing to maintain this un- the proscribed and predestined obseasonable and ill-judged declara-jects of punishment and of vention, a sterner despotism, maintain-geance? Cut off from all hope of ed by military power, shall be Royal clemency, what are you, what established over our posterity, can you be, while the power of Engwhen we ourselves, given up by an land remains, but outlaws? If we exhausted, a harassed, and misled postpone independence, do we mean people, shall have expiated our to carry on, or to give up, the war? rashness, and atoned for our pre-Do we mean to submit, to the meassumption, on the scaffold.' ures of parliament, Boston Port Bill and all? Do we mean to submit, and consent, that we ourselves It was for Mr. Adams to reply to arguments, like these. We know his opinions and we know his char-shall be ground to powder, and our acter. He would commence with accustomed directness and earnest ness. country and its rights trodden down in the dust? I know we do not mean to submit. We never shall Sink or swim, live or die, sur- submit. Do we intend to violate vive or perish, I give my hand and that most solemn obligation ever my heart to this vote. It is true, in- entered into by men, that plighting deed, that in the beginning, we aim- before God, of our sacred honor to ed not at independence. But there's Washington, when putting him a Divinity which shapes our ends. forth to incur the dangers of war, The injustice of England has driv- as well as the political hazards of en us to arms; and blinded to her the times, we promised to adhere own interest for our good, she has to him, in every extremity, with obstinately persisted, till indepen- our fortunes and our lives? I know, dence is now within our grasp. there is not a man here, who would We have but to reach forth to it, and not rather see a conflagration sweep it is ours. Why then should we over the land, or an earthquake defer the declaration? Is any man sink it, than one jot or tittle of that so weak, as now to hope for a re- plighted faith fall to the ground. conciliation with England, which For myself, having, 12 months ago, shall leave either safety to the coun- in this place, moved you, that try and its liberties, or safety to his George Washington be appointed own life and his own honor? Are commander of the forces, raised or not you, Sir, who sit in that chair, to be raised, for defence of Ameris not he, our venerabie colleague*ican liberty, may my right hand forget her cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if * Samuel Adams. What part of the people were then opposed to independence? Probably not more than one tenth. What does Mr. Webster call it? When colonies declare themselves independent, what requires When did the Declaration of In-them to publish the reasons? dependence receive the sanction of Congress ? By whom was the Declaration rafted? Who should be acquainted with this Declaration? go on. Mention two or three self-evident political truths. Grand object of human governments? From whose consent, do rulers derive all their just powers' ? I hesitate or waiver, in the support themselves, gloriously through this I give him. The war, then, must struggle. I care not, how fickle We must fight through. other people have been found. I And if the war must go on, why know the people of these colonies; put off longer the Declaration of and I know, that resistance to BritIndependence? That measure willish aggression is deep and settled in strengthen us. It will give us char-their hearts, and cannot be eradi acter abroad. The nations will cated. Every colony, indeed, has then treat with us, which they nev-expressed its willingness to follow, er can do, while we acknowledge if we but take the lead. Sir, the ourselves subjects, in arins against declaration will inspire the people our sovereign. Nay, I maintain, with increased courage. Instead that England herself, will sooner of a long and bloody war for restortreat for peace with us on the footing ation of privileges, for redress of of Independence, than consent by grievances, for chartered communirepealing her acts, to acknowledge, ties, held under a British king, set that her whole conduct towards us before them the glorious object of has been a course of injustice and entire independence, and it will oppression. Her pride will be less breathe into them anew the breath wounded, by submitting to that of life. Read this declaration at course of things, which now pre- the head of the army; every sword destinates our independence, than will be drawn from its scabbard, by yielding the points in controver- and the solemn vow uttered, to sy to her rebellious subjects. The maintain it, or to perish on the bed former she would regard as the re- of honor. Publish it from the pul sult of fortune; the latter she would pit; religion will approve it, and feel as her own deep disgrace. the love of religious liberty will cling Why then, why then, Sir, do we round it, resolved to stand with it, not as soon as possible, change this or fall with it. Send it to the pubfrom a civil to a national war?lic halls; proclaim it there; let And since we must fight it through, why not put ourselves in a state to enjoy all the benefits of victory, if we gain the victory? us. If we fail, it can be no worse for But we shall not fail. The cause will raise up armies; the cause will create navies. The peo ple, the people, if we are true to them, will carry us, and will carry them hear it, who heard the first roar of the enemy's cannon; let them see it, who saw their brothers and their sons fall on the field of Bunker Hill, and in the streets of Lexington and Concord, and the very walls will cry out in its support Sir, I know the uncertainty of human affairs; but I see, I SE clearly, through this day's busines In what case, may a peoplechange or abolish their government? When the government becomes destructive of its proper ends. What is the duty of a people, who have long suffered the abuses and usurpations of government? What had then been the history of George III. in relation to these colonies? To what kind of laws, had he refused his assent? Why had he repeatedly dissolved representative Houses? On what, had he made judges dependent? Why had he erected new offices and sent over many officers? How had he endangered our liberties in times of peace? it; and I leave off, as I begun, tha* live or die, survive or perish, I am for the declaration. It is my living sentiment, and by the blessing of ment; independence, now; and INDEPENDENCE FOREVER.' You and I, indeed, may rue it. We may not live to the time, when this declaration shall be made good. We may die; die colonists; die slaves; die, it may be, ignomini-God, it shall be my dying sentiously, and on the scaffold. Be it so. Be it so. If it be the pleasure of Heaven, that my country shall require the poor offering of my life, the victim shall be ready, at the appointed hour of sacrifice, come when that hour may. But while I do live, let me have a country, or at least the hope of a country, and that a free country. But whatever may be our fate, be assured, be assured, that this declaration will stand. It may cost treasure; and it may cost blood; but it will stand; and it will richly compensate for both. Through the thick gloom of the present, I see the brightness of the future, as the sun in heaven. We shall make this a glóríous, an immortal day. When we are in our graves, our children? will honor it. They will celebrate it, with thanksgiving, with festivity, with bonfires, and illuminations. On its annual return, they will shed tears, copious, gushing tears, not of subjection and slavery, not of agony and distress, but of exultation, of gratitude, and of joy. Sir, before God, I believe the hour is come. My judgment approves this measure, and my whole heart is in it. Ali that I have, and all that I am, and all that I hope, in this life, I am now ready here to stake upon On the 4th of July, the whole Declaration received the final approbation and sanction of Congress. With this declaration, drawn by the pen of Mr. Jefferson, every American citizen should be familiarly acquainted. It is what Mr. Webster happily calls it, THE TITLEDEED OF THEIR LIBERTIES. Declaration of Independence. When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands, which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station, to which the laws of nature and nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind, requires, that they should declare the causes, which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be selfevident; that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed ; and whenever any form of govern What power had he attempted to render superior to civil power? To what jurisdiction, had he combined with others, to subject US ? With whom, had he combined? His ministers and parliament. How had he abdicated government here? What other flagrant injuries had he committed against us? What was he then doing, to complete the work of death, desolation and tyranny? Against whom, had he constrainsome of our captured citizens, to bear arms? Can you mention the objects of some of the laws, that he had aid-ed ed in passing? to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation, till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws, for the accommodation of large dis tricts of people, unless those people would relinquish the rights of representation in the legislature; a right inestimable to them, and for. midable to tyrants only. ment becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in sucn form, as to them, shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence indeed will dictate, that governments long established, should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly, all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, He has called together legislative while evils are sufferable, thango bodies at places unusual, uncomfortright themselves by abolishing the able, and distant from the deposiforms, to which they are accustom- tory of their public records, for the ed: but when a long train of abuses sole purpose of fatigueing them into and usurpations, pursuing invaria-compliance with his measures. bly the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such gov-rights of the people. ernment, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessity, which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations; all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states: To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world. He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good." He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness, his invasions on the He has refused, for a long time after such dissolution, to cause others to be erected, whereby the legis lative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise, the state remaining in the mean time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose, obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new andropria He has forbidden his governorstions of lands |