CHAP. VIII.] LETTERS OF AMERICANS IN FRANCE.

427

to "exert all his endeavors to avert the calamitous effects of a rupture between their countries," assuring him that the Executive Directory were disposed to an accommodation of all differences." And he addressed a communication on the same sub

ject to Hamilton."

Mr. Barlow, Mr. Codman, Consul Cutting, and various other Americans in France, individuals eminent for talents, for knowledge of the world, and as business men, wrote home-some to public characters and some to their private correspondents— and all expressed similar views with Lafayette's. Mr. Adams himself afterwards said: "Perhaps at no period of our connection with France has there ever been such a flood of private letters between that country and this, as in the winter of 1798 and 1799. The contents of many of them were, directly or indirectly, communicated to me. They were all in a similar strain that the French Government had changed their ground, and were sincerely disposed to negotiation and accommodation.”

*

* *

After Gerry's departure, the French Government took another step which betrayed its extraordinary solicitude for peace. It made essentially the same overtures which it had made to Gerry (except that it went to the further extent of giving assurances that it would receive any Minister the President might send) to Murray, the American Minister at the Hague, he being the most

1 His letters were dated August 20th and September 5th. General Washington's reply will be found in his Works by Sparks, vol. xi. p. 376.

Hamilton's answer, dated January 6th, will be found in his Works, vol. vi. p. 388. It would appear from General Washington's letter to Lafayette (just named), and from Hamilton's, that Lafayette had informed both, that he purposed visiting the United States. to attempt to produce a reconciliation between the two countries. Both advised him not to come, on the ground that he would lose the confidence of "one party or the other, if not of both." Washington doubtless believed that no beneficial results would flow from his efforts.

Lafayette afterwards (February 10th, 1800) wrote Hamilton that it was principally owing to the advice of General Washington and the latter, that he did not visit the United States at this time. We cannot forbear to quote a sentence or two from the letter of the pure and wholly unselfish Lafayette:

"Oh, my dear friend, preserve your liberties; do not let party spirit and personal hatreds be carried further than the proper balance in a wise, virtuous commonwealth, that you may have nothing to do with the diseases, nor even with the medicines. My whole heart is in the wishes I form for the continuance of your political, social, personal freedom, dignity and happiness."-Hamilton's Works, vol. vi. p. 426.

Barlow's very able letter to General Washington (published in Sparks's Washington, vol. xi. p. 560), characterizing the dispute between the two countries as "literally a misunderstanding," and declaring on what General Washington believed the authority of the Directory, that the French Government contemplated just indemnity for spoliations on American commerce-a change in legislation that would put all neutrals on the footing of the law of nations-and would have sent a public agent to Philadelphia after Mr. Gerry's departure, had they been sure he would be well received, etc. and the effect of this letter on Gen. Washington's mind will hereafter be more particularly alluded to.

4 Adams's Works, vol. ix. p. 243.

428

FRENCH DIPLOMATIC OVERTURE.

[CHAP. VIII. direct official avenue of communication with the United States besides Mr. King, to whom they could not be properly sent, as war then existed between England and France. They were communicated through M. Pichon, a highly respectable gentleman, well known in Philadelphia, where he had resided some years, as an attaché of the French embassy in the United States. He was Secretary of Legation at the Hague, and, in the then absence of the principal minister, was, of course, Chargé d'Affaires, in which capacity his acts, in this connection, were as official, formal and binding on his Government, as would have been those of an ambassador. In addition to showing Murray several manuscript letters of Talleyrand on the subject, he gave him, not only friendly, but apologetic assurances, which, between individuals, would have been considered as carrying the amende honorable beyond the point where it can be properly required, and closely to the verge of humiliation.' On reading Murray's correspondence with his Government, we cannot wonder at the exclamation of Liston, the English Ambassador in the United States, to the President: "To what humiliation will not these Frenchmen stoop to appease you?"

2

This correspondence is to be found in various publications. The copy now lying before us is in Adams's Works, vol. viii. Appendix, pp. 677–691, vol. ix. pp. 260, 262. See Adams's Works, vol. ix. p. 267.

CHAPTER IX.

1798-1799.

Impolicy of the French Measures-Views of the American Parties-The President receives the French Overtures to Pacification- His Opinions of them-Questions to his Cabinet Their Action thereon-The President's Conviction that France did not meditate War-Hamilton apprised of all the Facts-He urges on War Preparations however-Why this Change in his Views since 1797?-Don Francisco de MirandaHis Proposals to England and the United States to revolutionize Mexico and South America-British Cabinet accede to his Plans-Hamilton consulted through KingMiranda's Letter to Hamilton of April 6th, 1798-Hamilton engages in the Scheme, and asks the Command of the Land Forces-His Letters to King and Miranda-He engaged in this before hearing Result of the new French Mission he had urged-He knew the Miranda Scheme involved a War with France-British Cabinet accede to Hamilton's Proposals-King's Letters to Pickering-The British part of the Expedition ready-Miranda's Letter to the President-Offensive War against France meditated-Necessary as an Excuse to attack Spain-Views of the Republicans in the Summer of 1798-Their Apprehensions in regard to the Army-Their Suspicions of Hamilton-Jefferson to Taylor, of Caroline, on dissolving the Union-His Letter to Mason-The Nicholases at Monticello-The Kentucky Resolutions as drafted by Jefferson-Mr. Madison's View of their Import-Modified, and passed by Kentucky Legislature-Reasons for supposing Jefferson assented to or made the Modifications-Letter to Taylor, of Caroline-Passage of the Virginia Resolutions-Third Session of Fifth Congress The President's Speech-An Error of Jefferson-The Senate "hint Logan to Mr. AdamsHis unfortunate Reply-Hamilton's Programme for Congress-It contemplated a subversion of the existing Government-Hamilton hints the Miranda Scheme to his Instruments in Congress-Proposes Preparations to carry out that Scheme-Letters to Gunn and Otis on the Subject-Origin of the "Logan Law"-Harper's Misstatements and Logan's Corrections-Passage and Character of this Law-Jefferson to Gerry-Objects of the Letter-Jefferson to Pendleton-Pendleton's Patriarchal Address-The Union of the Patriotic Extremes of the Revolution-What it proved and what it foreshadowed -Great War Preparations in Congress-Debts to be incurred in proportion-Jefferson arges the Republicans to avoid every Act and Threat against the Peace of the Union--Bills to continue Non Intercourse with France, and to augment the Navy, passed-Jef ferson raises Money to print Political Documents-Letters to Monroe and StewartCapture of the Retaliation-British impress Seamen from the United States Sloop of War Baltimore-Jefferson complains of the President's withholding the French Overtures President nominates Murray Minister Plenipotentiary to France-The Federal leaders "Gravelled "-Sedgwick and Pickering to Hamilton on the Subject-Senate drive President to substitute a Commission-Ellsworth, Henry and Murray nominated and approved-Jefferson to Kosciusko-To Madison-A scandalous Scene in the House of Representatives-Means sought to be employed by the Federal and Republican Chiefs to prepare for the decisive Contest Jefferson's Letters to his Daughters.

FRANCE had made a new, or continued an old, absurd error in her treatment of the American Envoys. It is always absurd for

430

PARTY VIEWS OF FRENCH OVERTURES. [CHAP. IX.

nations or individuals to resort to menaces where inclination or interest stands in the way of their execution, if they call out defiance instead of submission. And threatening is never the best method of calling back a friend to a real or supposed duty. Her "humiliations," as Mr. Liston characterized them, were therefore a meed due to her folly.

The American parties took different views of the subject. The Republicans thought insults from France thus apologized for, were not better causes of war, than insults from other quarters unapologized for; and had all the pacific efforts and assurances from France, recorded in the last chapter, been allowed to come directly before the American people, it is probably safe to say that nine-tenths of them, out of high political and army circles, would have concurred with the Republicans.

The Federal leaders on the other hand, discovered that these concessions sprung only from abject fear, and that therefore they afforded no reason for our withholding our chastising arm.' Yet we rarely find this boast uttered without being coupled with the wholly contrary hypothesis, that France was only seeking to gain time, and put us off our guard, preparatory to an attempt to conquer a portion or the whole of our country. Intimidated as France was, the "invasion" which we were raising armies, and preparing fortificatins to withstand, was but a little way off! It is probable that there were persons who firmly believed both theories. Of the sincerity of the leaders of the war party we shall be better enabled to judge after we look, presently, into their confidential correspondences.

What were the effects of the pacific French news on the mind of an inconsistent, impulsive, but honest and patriotic President? It distinctly appears from his own subsequent

To show the spirit which animated a portion of the Federalists at this period, let two or three facts suffice. So enraged were they, because Gerry remained for a brief period in France for the purpose of averting, as he believed, an immediate declaration of war, and consented to confer in a private capacity with its Government, that their presses represented his conduct as on a par with that of Benedict Arnold. The Secretary of State fiercely wrote the President that he "verily believed" Gerry guilty not only of "duplicity," but of "treachery:" and that "if he should not be impeached, not his innocence but political expediency alone should prevent it!" (Adams's Works, vol. viii. p. 616.) Austin, in his Life of Gerry, shows how the neighbors of the latter-the usually peaceful and orderly citizens of Massachusetts-demeaned themselves towards his family in his absence:

"Letters, anonymous or feigned, were sent to Mrs. Gerry [who resided at Cambridge), imputing his continuance in France to causes most distressing to a wife and mother. Yells were uttered and bonfires were kindled at night about his house, and on one occasion a guillotine was erected under the window, smeared with blood, and bearing the effigy of a headless man."

CHAP. IX.]

PRESIDENT'S OPINION OF THEM.

431

avowals, that they wrought an undoubting conviction in his mind, that France was sincere in her proffers of a pacific and fair accommodation-that "if ever there was a regular diplomatic communication," M. Pichon's "to Murray" was one-that there were not "any words either in the French or English language, which could have expressed in a more soleinn, a more explicit, or a more decided manner, assurances of all he [the President] had demanded as conditions of negotiation," that " if, with all this information, he had refused to institute a [new] negotiation," "he should have been degraded in his own estimation as a man of honor, he should have disgraced the nation he represented, in their own opinion, and in the judgment of Europe."

Mr. Adams received Murray's two first letters on the 9th of October, 1798, and Talleyrand's inclosed first one to Pichon (returned from the State Department, where Mr. Adams had sent it to be deciphered) on the 18th of the same month. These contained the opening French overtures for pacific negotiation with the United States, which we have seen the President so energetically characterizing."

A letter of Gerry at this period, says Mr. Adams, "confirmed these assurances beyond all doubt in my mind, and his conversations with me at my own house in Quincy, if anything further had been wanting, would have corroborated the whole." The letter of Gerry thus mentioned, was dated at Nantasket Road, October 1st, 1798. Mr. Adams's family biographer asserts that the "conversations" referred to, "must have been in the first week of October," the same year.*

On the 20th of October, Mr. Adams addressed questions to his Cabinet through Mr. Pickering, in regard to some "things which deserved to be maturely considered before the meeting of Congress." The first was whether it was expedient to recommend a declaration of war against France. The second was, "whether any further proposals of negotiation could be made with safety; and whether there would be any use or advantage, in Europe or America, by uniting minds more in our favor, by

1 These declarations, and others as strong, will be found in Mr. Adams's Works, vol. ix. pp. 245, 246. See also p. 241, and the twenty or thirty succeeding pages.

The dates of their reception are particularly mentioned by Mr. Adams's filial biographer and annotator. Adams's Works, vol. viii. p. 676-note.

See them in ib. pp. 680-684.

• Life of Adams, p. 533-note.