482

JEFFERSON TO HIS DAUGHTERS.

[CHAP. IX.

or farm. This was the effect of your letter, and its affectionate expressions kindled up all those feelings of love for you and our dear connections which now constitute the only real happiness of my life. I am now feeding on the idea of my departure for Monticello, which is but three weeks distant. The roads will then be so dreadful that, as to visit you even by the direct route of Fredericksburg and Richmond would add 100 miles to the length of my journey, I must defer it in the hope that about the last of March, or first of April, I may be able to take a trip express to see you. The roads will then be fine; perhaps your sister may join in a flying trip, as it can only be for a few days. In the meantime let me hear from you. Letters which leave Richmond after the 21st instant should be directed to me at Monticello. I suppose you to be now at Mont-Blanco, and therefore do not charge you with the delivery of those sentiments of esteem which I always feel for the family at Eppington. I write to Mr. Eppes. Continue always to love me, and be assured that there is no object on earth so dear to my heart as your health and happiness, and tha: my tende est affections always hang on you. Adieu, my ever dear Maria.

TH. JEFFERSON.

The President's Inconsistency in respect to France-His Embarrassments-His Misjudged Course towards General Washington-He casts away Washington's Aid-Washington's Letter and his Reply-Virginia Elections-Washington takes part-Urges Patrick Henry to be a Candidate-He consents-The Sequel-Henry's Death-His Character and Fame Result of the Elections-Cabinet settle Heads of Instructions for our French Envoys-The President returns to Quincy-Directs Preparation of the French Instructions-Delayed six months-Frivolous Excuses of the Cabinet-Talleyrand's SarcasmInstructions prepared, and Cabinet then propose to suspend the Mission-The Presi dent repairs to the Seat of Government-Finds a Convocation of Hamiltonians-His Struggle with his Cabinet-Hamilton's last Card-The Envoys dispatched-Complaints of the Cabinet-Grounds of the Objections of the Hamiltonians-The President's occasional Struggles in his Duress-Touches of the "Dwarf "-Pickering scents Sedition in Cock's Feathers-Urges President to banish Priestley-Mr. Adams vacillating-His miserable Excuse to save Priestley-Insurrection in Pennsylvania-State Prisoners-Convictions for Treason-President pardons contrary to Advice of his whole Cabinet-Enormities charged on the Troops Editors whipped-Pennsylvania State Elections-The Candidates and the Result Jefferson's Letters to Mrs. EppesHis Domestic Affairs in Summer of 1799-Political Letters-Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions of 1799-Congress meet-President's Third Annual Speech-Wolcott describes to Ames the Situation of Parties in Congress-His "Engine of Government -Ames's Reply and his "Engine of Government"-Wolcott in Private Correspondence with Mr. Pitt-Hamilton to Washington and to King-Spirit and Designs of the Federalists at this Period-Hamiltonians preparing to bring forward Washington for the Presidency-His Death-Public Demonstrations thereon-Demonstrations in France and England-Cabot's Hint to Ames to weave Politics into Eulogy of WashingtonThat Hint generally followed up-His Views and Principles were unlike those of Ames-His Principles and Designs equally at variance with Hamilton's-His Party Connection incidental-He was systematically deceived-A fresh and striking Instance of this-He belonged to no Party-His Fame is National Jefferson's Political Correspondence during the Session-Letters to Priestley-"Our Bonaparte "-Congress Proceedings sketched to Madison-Party Arithmetic-Political Letters-The Election Law in Congress-The state of things in Pennsylvania it was intended for-John Randolph denounces "Ragamuffins" and "Mercenaries"-Jostled in the Theatre-His Communication to the President-Action in the House-Bills passed-The Robbins affair"Truxton's Aggression "-"Overhauling Editor of Aurora"-Macon's Resolution to Repeal the Law in regard to Seditious Libels-His Reliance on Federal Pledges-The Pledges kept to the Letter but broken to the Spirit The Presidential CaucusesAdjournment Jefferson's Letters to his Daughters-Character of the late SessionHamilton's Quietness-His Plans and his Despondency-Reasons of that Despondency. PICKERING's assertion that the President's new policy in respect to France was inconsistent with his recent nomination

484

THE PRESIDENT'S INCONSISTENCY.

[CHAP. X. of ministers to form commercial treaties with Russia and Turkey, under the circumstances named, was undeniably true. But this was not the worst inconsistency which Mr. Adams's conduct involved. We have his own recorded declaration that when he made the nomination of Murray he had been towards five months in the possession of dispatches which completely satisfied him that France sincerely desired an adjustment-that she had made "a regular diplomatic communication" to that effect -that she in as solemn and explicit terms as the "French or English language" contained, had given "assurances of all that he had demanded as conditions of negotiation "--and that "if any thing further had been wanting," Mr. Gerry's letters and personal conversations had "confirmed these assurances beyond all doubt in his mind."

Yet notwithstanding this, the President had in his speech to Congress, more than two months after receiving all this information, held, at best, but an ambiguous tone; had not hinted at either the facts or his conclusions; had conveyed a generally opposite idea in regard to the attitude of France; had blustered, menaced, and fanned the war spirit of our country; and had only reopened the door to negotiation as an alternative requiring a decisive change of action on the part of France, not a step towards which, he left it to be inferred, had yet been taken.

war.

Subsequent to this speech, Congress had been more than two months in session. Every measure adopted by it pointed to Navies were founded. Bills for great land armaments were reported and were on their passage. The President's letters to McHenry' and others show that no pretence can be set up that he regarded these as necessary preparations, in any event; but that, on the contrary, when he spoke his real feelings, he knew their uselessness and deprecated their expensiveHis personal course towards France, in the matter of the Retaliation and others, was unnecessarily harsh and offensive. While keeping up, as was perhaps proper, the quasi-war with that power on the ocean, he lacked firmness, or something else, to make the gross and deliberate insult to one of our national vessels in the West Indies by England, the subject of a passing allusion to Congress. He ostensibly seized the occasion of a coalition against France to open negotiations with her enemies

ness.

See ante, p. 432.

CHAP. X.J

THE PRESIDENT'S INCONSISTENCY.

485

under the auspices of England; and he nominated ministers to conduct those negotiations, known to be as hostile to the former power as were any two persons who could be found in the United States. He sanctioned, nay, suggested a tyrannical law, designed to affix a stigma on a man for individually attempting to save our peace with France-a man whom he afterwards. declared "a gentleman of fortune and education, and certainly not destitute of abilities "-whom he said, "he had no reason to believe a corrupt character or deficient in memory or veracity"—and finally, whom he even assumed especial merit for having received with respect and for giving credit to his statements on his return from that very "mission to France, which was made the pretext of the law.' And if Mr. Adams did not also design the stigma to rest, without a shadow of criminatory proof, and contrary to the published statements of this respectable Mr. Logan, on a still more conspicuous political opponent, his motives were unlike the substantially avowed ones of many who voted for the bill.

In short, we discover nothing in the President's public conduct from the opening of Congress to the nomination of Murray, which tends to show that he was less infatuated or less infuriated than the most ultra-Federalists in his Cabinet or in Congress. So far as preserving the peace of the nation was concerned, his conduct receives no mitigation from the unquestioned fact that he had not a remote suspicion of the real object of those great war preparations on the part of the controllers of Con

1 If such inconsistency appears incredible, we will, for the better satisfaction of the reader, quote a passage from a publication which Mr. Adams made in the Boston Patriot in 1809, and which will be found in the family edition of his Works, vol. ix. p. 244. He said:

I shall conclude this letter with another anecdote. Mr. Logan, of Philadelphia, a gentleman of fortune and education, and certainly not destitute of abilities, who had for several years been a member of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, and has since been a Senator of the United States, though I knew he had been one of the old constitutional party in that State, and a zealous disciple of that Democratical school, which has propagated many errors in America, and, perhaps, many tragical catastrophes in Europe, went to France, either with the pretext or the real design of improving his knowledge in agriculture, and seeing the practice of it in that country. I had no reason to believe him a corrupt character, or deficient in memory or veracity. After his return he called upon me, and in a polite and respectful manner informed me that he had been honored with conversations with Talleyrand, who had been well acquainted with me, and repeatedly entertained at my house, and now visited me at his request to express to me the desire of the Directory as well as his own, to accommodate all disputes with America, and to forget all that was past; to request me to send a Minister from America, or to give cre dentials to some one already in Europe, to treat; and to assure me that my Minister should be received, and all disputes accommodated, in a manner that would be satisfactory to me and my country. I knew the magical words, Democrat and Jacobin, were nough to destroy the credibility of any witness with some people. But not so with me I saw 'ks of candor and sincerity in this relation, that convinced me of its truth."

486

THE PRESIDENT'S VACILLATION.

CHAP. X.

gressional movements-not a remote suspicion that officers in his Cabinet and the second commander in the army of the United States had concerted a combined warlike movement with England against France and Spain, and were making preparations to carry it out. If that object was a reprehensible one, he deserves no share of the blame; but no less than the parties to the Miranda scheme did he know the war preparations then making were uncalled for by the real circumstances; that they were based on an insincere pretence (the danger of a French invasion); that they would overwhelm his country with expense; and finally, that they would fearfully increase the provocatives to and consequent probabilities of an unnecessary war with France.

With his eyes open, a free moral agent, an officer clad with constitutional powers which no personal or official authority on earth could restrain from all that was necessary to arrest the evil and protect himself, he shrunk from his duty; for more than two months voluntarily left the question of peace or purely unnecessary war so quivering in the scales that a hair might turn. them; and when he finally acted was so implicated himself in the practical measures set on foot by the Miranda schemers, that he could not and did not place a most meritorious act on any ground that carried the applauses of the honest portion of his own party, or disarmed the hostility and suspicion of his opponents. We have seen how completely as keen sighted a man as Jefferson was misled as to the respective attitudes of Mr. Adams and the Hamiltonians at this period with regard to our policy towards France.

At the opening of Congress, John Adams had again stood or one of those occasional points where a man commands and carves out the great lines of his own destiny. He had in his hands the speech prepared for him by Hamilton and Wolcott, and which had the sanction of his Cabinet. Had he wholly rejected this-had he stated the real facts and his own convic tions in regard to our French relations-had he followed this up by immediately doing what he did two months afterwards-had he accepted the resignation of his Cabinet, if tendered, and removed them if they resisted-had he braved a rejection of his nominations by the Senate-in short, had he done what his subsequent conduct proves he knew to be his duty, and