very unwarrantable, that their successors would be equally at the disposal of the treasury. I cannot persuade myself that the nation will have profited so little by experience. But, if that opinion were well founded, you might then gratify our wishes at an easy rate, and appease the present clamors against your government, without offering any material injury to the favorite cause of corruption.

"You have still an honorable part to act. The affections of your subjects may yet be recovered. But before you subdue their hearts, you must gain a noble victory over your own. Discard those little, personal resentments, which have too long directed your public conduct. Pardon this man the remainder of his punishment; and, if resentment still prevails, make it, what it should have been long since, an act, not of mercy, but of contempt. He will soon fall back into his natural station.... a silent senator, and hardly supporting the weekly eloquence of a newspaper. The gentle breath of peace would leave him. on the surface, neglected and unremoved. It is only the tempest that lifts him from his place.

"Without consulting your minister, call together your whole council. Let it appear to the public, that you can determine and act for yourself. Come forward to your people. Lay aside the wretched formalities of a king, and speak to your subjects with the spirit of a man, and in the language of a gentleman. Tell them you have been fatally deceived. The acknowledgement will be no disgrace, but rather an honor, to your understanding. Tell them you are determined to remove every cause of complaint against your government; that you will give your confidence to no man who does not possess the confidence of your subjects; and leave it to themselves to determine, by their conduct at a future election, whether or no it be, in reality, the general sense of the nation, that their rights have been arbitrarily invaded by the present House of Com

mons, and the constitution betrayed. They will then do justice to their representatives and to themselves.

"These sentiments, Sir, and the style they are conveyed in, may be offensive, perhaps, because they are new to you. Accustomed to the language of courtiers, you measure their affections by the vehemence of their expressions; and when they praise you indirectly, you admire their sincerity. But this is not a time to trifle with your fortune. They deceive you, Sir, who tell you that you have many friends whose affections are founded upon a principle of personal attachment. The first foundation of friendship is not the power of conferring benefits, but the equality with which they are received, and may be returned. The fortune which made you a king, forbade you to have a friend. It is a law of nature, which cannot be violated with impunity. The mistaken prince, who looks for friendship, will find a favorite, and in that favorite the ruin of his affairs.

"The people of England are loyal to the house of Hanover, not from a vain preference of one family to another, but from a conviction that the establishment of that family was necessary to the support of their civil and religious liberties. This, Sir, is the principle of allegiance equally solid and rational ;...fit for Englishmen to adopt, and well worthy of your Majesty's encouragement. We cannot long be deluded by nominal distinctions. The name of Stuart, of itself, is only contemptible ;.... armed with the sovereign authority, their principles are formidable. The prince, who imitates their conduct, should be warned by their example; and, while he plumes himself upon the security of his title to the crown, should remember that, as it was acquired by one revolution, it may be lost by another.

“JUNIUS.”

This address appears to us, at this distance of time and space, remarkably dignified, benevolent, respectful, and pregnant with wisdom. Had it been communicated privately, a prudent king, situated and circumstanced like George the Third, would have sought the wise man out and listened to his advice; like Pharaoh, who finding Joseph more wise and holy than any around him, hastened to place him at the head of his affairs.

Whatever had been said of inflexibility of character in the King, the public saw little or nothing of it after the provisional articles of peace with America were signed. He said to his parliament in December 1782-"That he had lost no time in giving the necessary orders for prohibiting offensive operations against America, and had been directing his views to a cordial reconciliation with the Americans. Such being his own inclination, and such the sense of his parliament and people, he had not hesitated to conclude with them provisional articles of peace, by which they were acknowledged free and independent states. He deplored this dismemberment of the empire, which had become a matter both of policy and prudence; but testified a hope that religion, language, interest, and affection, would yet prove a permanent tie of union between the two countries."

Lord Shelburne, who made the peace, declared that he had exerted every effort to preserve America to Britain; that he had not voluntarily yielded up this independency, but merely submitted to the controlling power of NECESSITY and fate; and added-"It was not I that made this cession. It was the evil star of Britain. It was the blunders of a former administration. It was the power of revolted subjects, and the mighty arms of the house of Bourbon." In this, Earl Shelburne felt like Chatham. After the peace with America, George the Third found himself surrounded by Whigs, with the son of Lord Chatham for prime minister, and the PRINCIPLES of JUNIUS triumphant !

One parting glance at America! General Washington made his public entry into the city of New York in 1782, amid the acclamations of his grateful countrymen. He then repaired to Congress, and on a day appointed for that ceremony, he, addressing the President, " asked leave to surrender into their hands the trust committed to him, and, having finished the work assigned him, to retire from the great theatre of action to the tranquil scenes of private life; earnestly recommending to the protection of ALMIGHTY GOD the interests of his dear country, and those who had the superintendence of them to his holy keeping."

The President replied " The UNITED STATES in Congress assembled, receive with emotions too affecting for utterance the solemn resignation of the authority under which you have led our troops with success through a perilous and doubtful war. Called upon by your country to defend its invaded rights, you accepted the sacred charge before it had formed alliances, and whilst it was without friends or a government to support you.— You have conducted the great military contest with wisdom and fortitude, invariably regarding the rights of the civil power through all disasters and changes;—you have, by the love and confidence of your fellow-citizens, enabled them to display their martial genius, and transmit their fame to posterity. Having defended the standard of liberty in this new world, having taught a lesson useful to those who inflict, and to those who feel oppression, you retire with the blessings of your country ; but the glory of your virtues will not terminate with your military command, it will continue to animate remotest ages.

"May the ALMIGHTY foster a life so beloved, with his peculiar care, and may your future days be as happy as your past have been illustrious." *

* Mr. Belsham, who is freer from mistakes respecting American matters than any other British historian, Gordon excepted, speaking of the sad fate of Major Andre, a young British officer every way unfit for a spy, says-that the high character of the American commander would have derived additional lustre from indulging the earnest and

In June, seventeen hundred and eighty-five, JOHN ADAMS, the first minister plenipotentiary from the UNITED STATES to the court of LONDON, had his introductory audience with KING GEORGE the Third. An event so extraordinary with circumstances so novel to us in America, led Mr. Adams to narrate the particulars, in a letter to an intimate friend; which was kept private till after the death of that good man. It was

thus;

"At one o'clock on Wednesday, 1st of June, the master of ceremonies called at my house, and went with me to the Secretary of State's office in Cleaveland-row, where the Marquis of Carmarthen received me, and introduced me to Mr. Frazier, his under Secretary, who had been, as his Lordship said, uninterruptedly in that office, through all the changes in administration for thirty years, having first been appointed by the Earl of Holderness.

"After a short conversation upon the subject of importing my effects from Holland, which Mr. Frazier himself introduc

sole request of Major Andre to die as a soldier, not as a felon. The fact was (I had it from several officers of rank and high character), Washington would not venture to risk the indulgence, and merged his personal feelings in necessity. The British had hung three or four American officers as spies with no regard to their feelings as gentlemen. When it was whispered in camp that Ardre would be shot, there was a general expression of discontent, progressing to clamor. The officers said-What!-shall we risk our lives, as several of us have done, and some be taken and hanged like dogs, and shall a detected British spy meet a milder fate?' Alarming resignations would have been the consequence.

That celebrated fault-finder Horace Walpole relates an anecdote of Washington when a young officer, at the time of Braddock's defeat in 1754; whom he states to have said that the whistling of balls was grateful music to his ears; and applies to him the epithet of braggart. Such an idle story was told in this country, which induced the Rev. Dr. Gordon the historian, to ask the truth of it from the General himself, who replied-"I do not recollect having ever said any thing like it; but if I did, I must have been very young indeed." I had this from Gordon himself.