the colonies the assemblies adopted resolutions in opposition to the stamp act, although in many of them the royal governors prorogued and attempted to stop their proceedings. The members of the colonial asssemblies were animated and encouraged by the people, who, in most of the towns, instructed them to oppose the stamp act. But the most important measure to unite the colonies and give energy and effect to their opposition, was convening a continental congress, consisting of deputies appointed by each colony. This measure was first proposed by the assembly of Massachusetts. The meeting was appointed to be holden in New-York, in October, 1765. All the colonies, except New-Hampshire, Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia, sent deputies; the three last of these colonies were prevented by their governors, and the first excused itself on account of its peculiar situation. The congress, after mature deliberation, adopted a declaration of rights, and a statement of the grievances of the colonies, and asserted in the strongest terms, their exemption from all taxes not imposed by their own representatives. It also prepared a petition to the house of commons.

As the first of November, the time when the stamp-act was to go into operation, approached, public feeling became still stronger, and was excited to the utmost to prevent the execution of the law. In New York, ten boxes of stamps, which had arrived there for Connecticut, were seized by the populace and burned; and in other ports, the masters of vessels, which brought out stamps, were compelled to return with their detestable cargoes, or deliver them up to the people to be destroyed. In Boston and many of the principal towns, the first of November was kept as a day of mourning and deep distress; all the shops were shut, the bells were tolled muffled, and the effigies of the authors and abettors of the act were carried in procession through the streets, and then torn to pieces and consumed by the flames,

The lawyers of the supreme court in New Jersey resolved that they would not purchase the stamps in their professional business, and that they would relinquish their practice as a sacrifice to the public good; and the princi

pal merchants in the colonies, and great numbers of other classes of the inhabitants, entered into solemn engage ments not only to refuse to use the stamps, but also not to import any more goods from Great Britain until the stamp act should be repealed. Associations were formed, called the "Sons of Liberty," the object of which was, to assist and protect with force, if necessary, every one who might be in danger from his resistance or opposition to the stamp act. This bold association originated in New York, and prevailed throughout New England, and, had not the act been repealed, must have led to civil war. The restrictive measures produced distress and tumults in England ; large numbers of the manufacturers being thrown out of employment, and more than forty thousand, with black flags, appeared in the streets in London, and surrounded the royal palace and parliament house. Fortunately a change of ministry took place, in consequence of what was called the regency bill, and Lord Grenville was succeeded by the Marquis of Rockingham, as first lord of the treasury, and the Duke of Grafton and General Conway were appointed secretaries of state. In January the parliament met; the affairs of America occupied the principal attention, and the first talents of the house were engaged in the discussion. Mr. Pitt, who had been confined to his bed by sickness, when the stamp act was passed, now came forward as the great champion of the rights of the Americans, and with his manly and all powerful eloquence, opposed the unjust, unconstitutional, and dangerous measure; he even justified the Americans in their resistance of an act of tyranny and oppression. After a long and animated discussion, the act was repealed, accompanied, however, with a declaration, "that the king and parliament had, and of right ought to have, full power and authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient force to bind the colonies, and his majesty's subjects in them, in all cases whatever." An act of indemnity was also passed.

The repeal of the obnoxious act occasioned universal joy, both in Great Britain and America; the ships in the Thames displayed their colours, and the whole city of London was illuminated; and in the colonies, notwithstanding the declaratory act, asserting the principle of tax

ation, the joy and rejoicings were universal; the non-importation resolutions were rescinded; animosities, ill treatment, and every thing past, were forgotten, and commercial intercourse with Great Britain, was resumed with greater activity than ever before had been witnessed. The colonies hoped and believed, that harmony, would now be restored, and did every thing in their power to promote this desirable object. But the officers of the crown, the minions of power, and the expectants of place, kept up a correspondence with the officers of the British government at home, and attempted to promote their own selfish views by misrepresenting their countrymen. Governor Bernard, of Massachusetts, was the head of this party, which contributed so much to breed difficulties and bring matters to a crisis. Notwithstanding that the declaratory act still hung over the heads of the colonies, like a portentous cloud, it was not generally expected that the British government would very soon make another so dangerous an experiment. But these reasonable expectations, however, soon proved to be fallacious, and all reliance on the justice or liberality of Britain, was found to be deceptive and dangerous. Notwithstanding the distraction into which the colonies had been thrown, by the stamp act, within a few months after its repeal, and before the wounds it had occasioned had had time to heal, the chancellor of the exchequer, Charles Townsend, came forward with a new scheme of taxing America, and was so sanguine in his views, that he pledged his character for the success of the project. The new revenue scheme was, to take off the duties on teas which were paid in Great Britain, and to levy three pence per pound on all that was purchased in America, and also a duty on paper, glass and several other articles. A board of customs was established, and commissioners appointed to set in Boston to collect the duties; and the custom-officers were to be paid from the revenue thus raised; and the governor, judges of the su perior court, and other officers in Massachusetts, who had hitherto been dependant for their salaries on the assembly, to render them independent of the people, and more devoted to Great Britain, were also to be paid from these revenues. And to carry the iniquitous system into effect

(as unjust laws can only be enforced by unjust means,) the powers of the court of admiralty were greatly extended, so as to deprive the people of trial by jury in prosecutions for violating the revenue laws. Writs of Assistance, as they were called, issued by the governor, or any officer of the revenue, authorized searching the house of the most respectable inhabitant in the province, on suspicion of the concealment of contraband or smuggled goods.

When intelligence of these new parliamentary regulations reached America, they occasioned universal astonishment, and revived all the excitement and alarm which prevailed during the stamp act. In the minds of reflecting men they were regarded as more dangerous than that obnoxious act, as an indirect and disguised system of taxation had a more certain and fatal tendency to undermine the liberties and enslave the people, than direct taxes. The colonies, assailed by the same injuries, had recourse to their former measures of complaint and supplication; but their petitions were not even read, and their remonstrances treated with contempt, thus adding insult to injustice. These accumulated injuries and indignities aroused the fears and spirit of the colonies; and a circular letter, addressed to the other colonies, by the assembly of Massachusetts, contributed to diffuse the flame and lead to concert of action. This letter was dated the 11th of February, 1768, and the sentiments it contained were reiterated by most of the colonial assemblies. From the bold and determined conduct of the assembly of Massachusetts, it was prorogued by the governor. Another assembly was convened in May following, to which the governor, in his first communication, insolently demanded of them, as required by the British Secretary of State, to rescind the resolutions of the preceding assembly, which led to the circular letter, and intimated that unless they complied immediately, they would be dissolved at once. But the assembly acted with a firmness which became the defenders of liberty; and instead of complying with this haughty mandate, petitioned the king for the removal of the royal governor, and charged upon him a long catalogue of crimes. The governor, exasperated at their conduct, immediately dissolved the mutinous assembly, and applied to

the commander in chief of the king's troops, then in New York, to have several additional regiments sent to Boston. Alarmed at these circumstances, the inhabitants of Boston besought the governor to convene another assembly; but he treated their request with contempt. The crisis required something to be done, without delay, and accordingly, letters were written to every town in the colony, requesting the appointment of delegates to meet in convention at Boston, before the arrival of the troops. Delegates from ninety six towns met on the 22d of September. The governor instantly sent them an angry message, commanding them to disperse, threatening, in case of refusal, that they would suffer the consequence of their temerity. The convention, however, was not frightened into submission, but gave their reasons for convening, continued their deliberations, and prepared a petition to the king.

On the first of October, the troops arrived and landed; and, sword in hand, paraded through the streets of Boston, which were filled with vast crowds, who with sullen silence, denoting the deepest resentment, witnessed this, the first act in the great and bloody drama about to be performed. No tumult or resistance however, ensued, notwithstanding the troops were quartered in the houses

the inhabitants. The assembly met in May, 1769, and immediately adopted several spirited resolutions; that the placing an armed force where the legislature was convened, to overawe their deliberations, was a breach of privilege, and that the quartering of troops on the inhabitants in time of peace was illegal, and a violation of the rights and liberties of British subjects.

A standing army was now stationed in the capital of Massachusetts, for the avowed object of coercing the inhabitants into submission; their commerce fettered, their characters traduced, the assembly prevented from meeting, and the petitions of all classes to have the assembly convened, treated with contempt by an insolent governor, who threatened to augment the troops, and enforce at all hazards, his arbitrary and tyrannical measures; it cannot be surprising that the fears and exasperations of the people exceeded what had ever been witnessed before. At this alarming conjuncture, something must be