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vidual case was proportionate to its probable tendency to produce that end, where he had not actual experience to ascertain its effects, From principle and habit, guided by EXPERIENCE in his judgments and conduct, he considered liberty as a matter of moral enjoyment, and not of metaphysical disquisition, It was not merely the possession of it that constituted it a blessing, but the possession of it in such a degree, and with such regulations, as could make it subsidiary to virtue and happiness, without being able to produce vice and misery. Its operation as a blessing or a curse depended, he thought, partly on its intrinsic nature, partly on the character of its subjects, and partly on more extrinsic causes. He uniformly controverted those doctrines of the Rights of Man, which would allow the same degree of liberty to all persons and in all circumstances. Like Livy, he did not think a horde of barbarians equally fitted for the contests of freedom, as men in a more advanced state of knowledge and civilization. Neither did he conceive that every one state, though refined, was
equally fit for the beneficial exercise of lk berty, as every other state not more refined, The controul, he thought, must be strong in the direct ratio of passion, as well as the inverse of knowledge and reason. I DO NOT (he said) REJOICE TO HEAR THAT MEN MAY DO WHAT THEY PLEASE, UNLESS I KNOW WHAT IT PLEASES THEM TO DO. And in another place, · SOCIETY CANNOT EXIST UNLESS A CONTROULING POWER UPON WILL AND
APPETITE BE PLACED SOMEWHERE; AND THE LESS OF IT THERE IS WITHIN, THE MORE THERE MUST BE WITHOUT. IT IS ORDAINED
IN THE ETERNAL CONSTITUTION OF THINGS,
THAT MEN OF INTEMPERATE MINDS CANNOT
THEIR PASSIONS FORGE THEIR
Mr. Burke having long viewed with anxiety the new philosophy become fashionable in France, bestowed the most accurate attention on the designs of its' votaries as they gradually unfolded themselves. In 1787 the noted Mr. Thomas Paine had been introduced to him by a letter from Mr. Henry
Lawrence, and was treated by Burke with the hospitality which he thought due to an American stranger so recommended. He was frequently a visitor at Beaconsfield, and then informed his host that he had entirely given up politics, and was devoting his attention to mechanical enquiries. He had a model of an iron bridge, which he wished to be seen by eminent characters of Mr. Burke's acquaintance. Burke introduced him to Mr. Windham, Lord Fitzwilliam, the Duke of Bedford, and, during a summer's excursion to Yorkshire, he went with him to Rotheram's original manufactory at Sheffield. Not long after he spent the day with him at Lord Fitzwilliam's.
At this time Paine continued to abstain from political discussions. The following winter he went over to France, and became deeply connected with the anti-monarchical partisans at Paris. Returning in 1788 to. England, his discourse took a new turn. Calling frequently on Burke, he endeavoured to impress on him the views which he himself
had recently formed concerning French af-
People in general, he asserted, did not know the change speedily about to take place in that country. The French, he averred, were determined to surpass every nation in liberty, and to establish a pure democracy. Mr. Burke saw that this was not an opinion resulting froin Paine's penetration into principles and their probable effects, but from his knowledge of actually declared intentions. He was therefore the more certain that attempts would be made to carry these designs into effect. Paine prophesied that the same species of liberty would be extended to other countries; and, led away by his wishes, fancied all Europe would unite in overturning monarchy, Whether of himself, or from the suggestion of his French friends, Paine expressed his wishes that the British Opposition should coincide in the republican views, and use pare liamentary reform as the pretext. Burke answered to him, "Do you mean to propose that I, who have all my life fought for the
constitution, should devote the wretched remains of my days to conspire its destruction ? Do not you know that I have always opposed the things called reform; to be sure, because I did not think them reform?' Paine, seeing Burke totally averse to his projects, forbore repetition. Burke, however, saw that Paine was well acquainted with the designs of the innovators; and from him learned many important facts, all tending to make a totally different impression on philosophic wisdom from that which they made on turbulent violence. The earliest particular information respecting the mischievous designs of the republican agitators communicated to Edmund Burke was by Thomas Paine.
Faine went to France early in 1789, and wrote several letters from Paris to Burke, explaining to him the schemes of the popular leaders. In one of these, dated July 11th, he copied a note just received from a distinguished American gentleman, at whose house the republican chiefs held their most confi