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strained licentiousness to the populace, any more than to other classes ; therefore it was contrary to the rights of man. A third reason for pulling down the English system was, that between seven and eight bundred years ago England bad been conquered. This defect in its origin was an argument paramount to expediency from its present state. Mr. Thomas Paine has not proved from history, that governments, founded on these levelling principles, have been conducive to the purposes of good establishments—the happiness of society: he has not proved, from the constitution of the human mind and experience of human nature, that men act better without CONTROUL than with it; and that there is an equality of capacity for government in all men ; an equality necessary to render their government expedient. His theory is founded on an assumption, and is not supported by proof. It is not only not conformable, but is contrary, to experience; therefore it carries in it the grounds of disproof. Though inadınissible as a chain of reasoning, it certainly dis

plays very great and varied and versatile ability. There is a strong sarcastic humour in it, which, to many readers, supplied the deficiency of the reasoning: jokes passed for arguments, ludicrous stories for lucid illustration; lively invective was received for energetic eloquence, bold assertion for unanswerable demonstration.

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The societies and clubs, fast increasing in number and divisions, testified the highest approbation of Paine's Rights of Man ;' and very industriously, through their affiliations, spread cheap editions of it among the common people, in all parts of the kingdom; but especially in populous cities, towns, and villages. When we consider that Paine reprobates the polity of this country, and cdvises the people to unite and subvert it, and that the Revolution and Constitutional Societies in London, with affiliated clubs in other parts, praised and DISSEMINATED these doctrines among those who were most likely to swallow them, we can be at no great loss to com prehend the intention of the

propagandists.

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Wherever tendency is obvious in the habitual conduct of men having the use of their reason, design may be fairly inferred.

Meanwhile, Burke, having received an answer from the gentleman to whom he had written his letter, replied in a second, entitled - A Letter to a Member of the National Assembly.'

After retouching several subjects that he had brought forward in his REFLEXIONS, he proceeded to examine the French system in its institutions and principles, with their effects on morals and manners. In his formes treatise he had chiefly considered public and political consequences; in the present, he carries his view to private, social, and domestic happiness; and proves that their plans of education and civil regulations sprung from the same source of untried theory, and tended to the same disorder and misery. On the subject of juvenile tuition, he shews the extent of his knowledge, and the profoundness of his wisdom.

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He reprobates the principles by the French system inculcated on youthful minds, the precepts taught, and the models exhibited. • Their great problem is to find a substitute for all the principles which hitherto have been employed to regulate the human will and action. They find dispositions in the mind, of such force and quality, as may fit men, far better than the old morality, for the purposes of such a state as theirs, and may go much further in supporting their power, and destroying their enemies.' He illustrates the principles instilled concerning parental affection, marriage, and other principal sentiments and relations of man; and knowing that Rousseau was the chief model held up to the imitation of youth, whom they were 'enjoined, stimulated, and exhorted to copy, analyses his character, to ascertain the effects likely to result from following such an example. He also characterizes Voltaire, though with much less profound investigation than Roussean; and Helvetius more generally than Voltaire.

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The next publication of Burke on French affairs was the • Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs. Before this comes under consideration, it is necessary to recapitulate some parts of parliamentary history. In session 1790, after the discussion between him and Messrs. Fox and Sheridan, he had adhered uniformly to the sentiments he then avowed. He had opposed the repeal of the Test-Act, and a motion for a Reform in Parliament. Mr. Fox and he had still continued on terms of friendship, although they did not so frequently meet. In 1791 a bill was proposed for the formation of a constitution in Canada. In discussing it Burke entered on the general principles of legislation, considered the doctrine of the rights of man, proceeded to its offspring, the constitution of France, and expressed his conviction that there was a design formed in this country against its constitution.

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After some members of the party had called Burke to order, Mr. Fox spoke. Mr. Fox conceiving an insinuation of main

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