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letter, went upon the stage, and read it to the audience with every mark of delight.
Towards the close of the year, when affairs wore a less favourable aspect to the Allies, he wrote a third memorial, entitled · Remarks on the Policy of the Allies with respect to France. In this paper he intimates, that the object of the several allied Powers was evidently private aggrandizement more than the support of legitimate government, religion, and property, against Jacobinism. He gives a very pathetic description of the dreadful state of France under the existing anarchy; and contends that whatever partial changes may take place, while the principles continue, similar misery, if not the same, is to be expected ; that the reduction of parts of the French territories under the dominion of any of the Allies could not promote the wisest purpose of the war. The only certain means of restoring order, religion, and property in France, was, by committing the chief direction of every thing respecting her
internal affairs to the emigrant princes, nobility, gentry, and clergy. These, which he calls the · Moral France,' ought to have the arrangement of the government now usurped over the arithmetical and
geographical France. Under them only could it be expected, he thought, that the blessings of religion, order, virtue, and property could be established. After the great convulsions and the state of anarchy then prevalent, it was his opinion, that the establishment of a fixed and permanent constitution could not be effected without the preparatory exercise, by those classes, of something approaching to a military government.' When that should be fixed, he recommends a scheme of • discriminating justice, tempered with enlightened mercy, of the greatest wisdom, if it were expedient that those classes should
power which it pre-supposes. It might be a question with many, whether these emigrants, either in their general conduct and characters, or in their behaviour, had exhibited such talents and qualities as would render a discretionary. power in their possession likely to form a good government. At the same time, those who think the most meanly of the emigrants, as a body, will allow that there was some probability that any government they had contrived could not be more inconsistent with liberty and happiness, than the Robersperian and succeeding schemes in France.
February 6th, 1794, Mr. Burke experienced a loss that deeply afflicted him, by the death of his brother, Mr. Richard Burke, recorder of Bristol. That gentleman was endued with considerable acuteness and knowledge. The warm and affectionate heart of Edmund. suspending, in that instance, the exercise of his discrimination, represented to him Richard as a man of extraordinary abilities. He was, besides, nearly of the same age; they had been comrades and friends from their earliest days, and through life, as well as brothers,
The vigilance of Government, and the prevention of all communication with France,
had repressed, but not crushed the doce trines of Paine and his coadjutors. Of the new theories, there were gradations and classes, adapted to different kinds of readers or hearers. For the vulgar there were the vehement declamation, the unqualified invective, the poignant abuse, the well-aimed sophistry of Paine himself, and on his plan. As genius invents, humbler talents imitate. There were thousands of Jacobinical writers, who endeavoured to accommodate his notions, speculations, and precepts, to the varying circumstances of affairs, in order the more effectually to inflame. Demagogues, calling themselves political lecturers, did their best to promote the same end of exciting disaffection, desire of innovation, and the consequent action. As the lessons of Paine and his imitators in writing, and the efforts of Thelwall and his fellow-labourers, could produce effect among only the very lowest and most ignorant, there were authors of a higher cast of literature, though much beneath the abilities of Paine. By these novels were constructed to misrepresent the
existing institutions, orders, and classes, to readers of a taste above relishing the coarseness of Paine, or the feebleness and ignorance of itinerant lecturers. There were others to devise systems of philosophy, to please those that dabbled in what they supposed metaphysics. These set themselves about overthrowing the doctrines of religion and a future state; free agency, natural affection, friendship, and patriotism; that thus philanthropy might not operate in the cases in which it was most likely to produce happiness, -as a moral improvement: they proposed the dissolution of all government, the annihilation of property, and the levelling of ranks and distinctions,—as a political improvement. To excite, foment, or increase discontent among the uninformed, there were Paine and coadjutors; for persons of more taste and knowledge, but with confined views of mankind, there were Hola croft's novels; for those that had a glimmering of metaphysics, and who, engaging in what they did not understand, forgot what they did, there was Godwin. ' Paine,