of Portland, was to be installed Chancellor of the University; a ceremony which was conducted with great dignity and splendour. Burke received the most flattering marks of attention, both in public and private, from the principal persons who composed the meeting. During this week he was the guest of the Rev. Mr. Winstanley, Principal of Alban-hall and Camden Professor of Ancient History; a gentleman for whom he always manifested a particular esteem, and whose interest he endeavoured, on all occasions, to promote. This circumstance, with innumerable others of the like nature, might be adduced in contradiction to the assertion, that Burke was not a warm friend of literary merit. *

*Another as ertion, equally ill-founded, that Burke's knowledge of languages was superficial, stands refuted by unquestionable authority. Mr. Winstanley, in a letter to a friend, expresses himself in the following terms, which, though unauthorized, I take the liberty to transcribe.

It would be indeed as useless, as it would be presumptuous, in me, to attempt to add to the reputation of Mr. Burke, Among the studies to which I have immediately applied, there is one, which, from his attention to the more

Young Mr. Burke was, at this time, with Mr. Windham, Mr. Malone, the Hon. Frederick North, and others, admitted to the honorary degree of LL. D.

The eagerness of Burke to repress French principles and power appeared this summer, in the joy he discovered on hearing the news of the taking Valenciennes. Mr. Dundas dispatched a messenger to communicate the tidings to Mr. Burke, whom he found at a country theatre, at Charlefont, some miles from Beaconsfield. Burke, on reading the

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important concerns of active life, it might be supposed that he had overlooked:-I mean that of ancient and modern languages. Those, however, who were acquainted with the universality of his information, will not be surprised to hear that it would have been exceedingly difficult to have met with a person who knew more of the philosophy, the history and filiation of languages, or of the principles of etymological deduction, than Mr. Burke.'

The character of Mr. Winstanley, as a man profoundly skilled both in the ancient and modern languages, stamps an authority upon his judgment, sufficient to overturn all vague assertion, that Burke was little acquainted with the learned tongues.

letter, went upon the stage, and read it to the audience with every mark of delight.

Towards the close of the year, when affairs wore a less favourable aspect to the Allies, he wrote a third memorial, entitled

Remarks on the Policy of the Allies with respect to France.' In this paper he intimates, that the object of the several allied Powers was evidently private aggrandizement more than the support of legitimate government, religion, and property, against Jacobinism. He gives a very pathetic description of the dreadful state of France under the existing anarchy; and contends that whatever partial changes may take place, while the principles continue, similar misery, if not the same, is to be expected; that the reduction of parts of the French territories under the dominion of any of the Allies could not promote the wisest purpose of the war. The only certain means of restoring order, religion, and property in France, was, by committing the chief direction of every thing respecting her

internal affairs to the emigrant princes, nobility, gentry, and clergy. These, which he calls the Moral France,' ought to have the arrangement of the government now usurped over the arithmetical and geographical France. Under them only could it be expected, he thought, that the blessings of religion, order, virtue, and property could be established. After the great convulsions and the state of anarchy then prevalent, it was his opinion, that the establishment of a fixed and permanent constitution could not be effected without the preparatory exercise, by those classes, of something approaching to a military government. When that should be fixed, he recommends a scheme of discriminating justice, tempered with enlightened mercy,' of the greatest wisdom, if it were expedient that those classes should possess the power which it pre-supposes. It might be a question with many, whether these emigrants, either in their general conduct and characters, or in their behaviour, had exhibited such talents and qualities as would render a discretionary.

power in their possession likely to form a good government. At the same time, those who think the most meanly of the emigrants, as a body, will allow that there was some probability that any government they had contrived could not be more inconsistent with liberty and happiness, than the Robersperian and succeeding schemes in France.

February 6th, 1794, Mr. Burke experienced a loss that deeply afflicted him, by the death of his brother, Mr. Richard Burke, recorder of Bristol. That gentleman was endued with considerable acuteness and knowledge. The warm and affectionate heart of Edmund suspending, in that instance, the exercise of his discrimination, represented to him Richard as a man of extraordinary abilities. He was, besides, nearly of the same age; they had been comrades and friends from their earliest days, and through life, as well as brothers.

The vigilance of Government, and the prevention of all communication with France,