When more than one sheet is required for the entry of the parcels sent by the mail, it will be sufficient if the undermentioned particulars are entered on the last sheet of the parcel bill.

Sr: I have the honor to inclose a very full account, from the “Bulletin” of Honolulu, of an attempt made on the 30th ultimo, by about 100 half-castes and natives, under the leadership of Robert W. Wilcox and Robert Boyd, two half-caste Hawaiians, to overthrow the present Government of Hawaii and depose the King.

This is supposed to be their purpose, although their exact intention is not yet fully known.

About 6 o'clock a. m. a message from the King informed me that an armed party, led by Mr. Wilcox, was in possession of the palace

grounds, and soon thereafter it was learned that insurgents were in charge of the building containing the Government offices.

As soon as possible I had communication with Commander Woodward of the U. S. S. Adams, and at once all necessary preparations were made to land a force, if found necessary for protection of the people and property interests.

Soon thereafter I met His Majesty's minister of foreign affairs, who informed me that a cabinet council would be held forthwith.

Soon after the news of the affair became generally known, the British, Portuguese, and French commissioners called at the legation, and while comparing information regarding the situation, Mr. Damon, the newly appointed minister of finance, arrived and stated that it was the desire of His Majesty's ministers to meet the foreign representatives at once. It was deemed advisable to comply with this request without delay. On meeting the ministers they stated that they desired to fully inform us of their contemplated action in the present emergency, and that they had determined to occupy the tops of the buildings commanding a view of the palace grounds, with sharpshooters, for the purpose of preventing the use of the cannon which were known to be in the possession of the insurgents inside the walls inclosing the palace grounds, gradually surround and finally dislodge them with other forces.

After learning the intention of the Government to operate at once with an armed force, I suggested the propriety of Mr. Damon, one of the members of the cabinet who speaks the native language, endeavoring to communicate with Mr. Wilcox, the leader of the insurgents, and ascertain, if possible, the cause of his action and what his demands were, if any; then if Mr. Damon failed, that the representatives of foreign powers endeavor to obtain an interview with Wilcox, and by their good offices effect a peaceful settlement if possible.

This was cordially agreed to by all and the representatives withdrew with the understanding that Mr. Damon would inform us of the result of his mission. In about one-half hour Mr. Damon reported to me at the legation that Mr. Wilcox refused to receive any communication from him whatever, and that while he was seeking to communicate with him firing commenced; he deemed it not only imprudent, but suicidal for anyone to attempt to approach the palace grounds on a peace mission.

At this juncture, as the report of small arms and cannon came from the palace grounds and immediate vicinity quite rapidly, and as many with alarm were coming to the legation, I at once requested Commander Woodward to send to the legation a body of marines, which request he promptly complied with.

The appearance of the marines on the streets and at the legation had a very favorable effect on the populace. Soon the report of the large guns ceased by reason of the inability of the insurgents to operate them in the presence of the fire of the sharpshooters on the tops of the surrounding buildings.

The "bungalow" mentioned in the newspaper account and into which the insurgents retreated is a frame building situated in the corner of the palace grounds sometimes used by the King as a dwelling and for offices.

The palace square comprises about 4 acres, situate two blocks from the central business part of the city, and is entirely inclosed by a concrete wall about 8 feet high, while the King's palace is situated in the center of the square,

In the afternoon, and as soon as I ascertained from one of the cabinet ministers that an attempt would be made to dislodge the insurgents from the "bungalow" before dark by the use of dynamite, and as there were large crowds of people congregated on the streets, I deemed it advisable to ask for the landing of the remainder of the forces from the Adams before dark as a precautionary measure in the event any assistance to preserve order might be required, and to be immediately available in the event a conflagration should start. In this matter Commander Woodward fully agreed, and by permission of the minister of foreign affairs the forces landed about 5 o'clock p. m. Early the following morning all the men belonging to the Adams returned to the ship.

The members of the cabinet and many prominent residents expressed much commendation of the prompt landing of the men, and remarked upon the very salutary effect their presence seemed to have among the people on the streets.

The U. S. S. Adams was the only naval vessel in port. The British ship Espiegle recently left under sealed orders on a cruise south.

This disturbance at this time was wholly unexpected by the Government officials as well as nearly every permanent resident.

Although for several weeks it was known that Wilcox was endeavoring to draw around him as many disappointed native political aspirants as possible, yet it was recently ascertained on what seemed very reliable authority that no overt acts would be committed prior to the next general election in February, when it was thought the present ministers would be defeated at the polls.

However, the success of the Government in subduing the insurgents, it is thought, will draw some to its support, and the general feeling is that the Government will be strengthened by the result of the conflict.

Immediately after the surrender of the insurgents the city was quiet and still remains so, while business is being transacted as usual. As to the exact number of the insurgents it is difficult now to determine, as some deserted in the early morning. About 80 prisoners were secured. No serious casualties occurred except to the insurgents.

In order that you may be promptly informed of the principal facts a week in advance of the regular mail, I will forward by the steamer leaving here to-morrow a telegram, to be wired from San Francisco, of which the following is a copy:

On July 30 unsuccessful attempt by about one hundred half-castes and natives to overthrow Government and depose King. Insurrection suppressed by Hawaiian Government without foreign aid. Six insurgents killed, 12 wounded. Order restored same day. Men from U. S. S. Adams landed by permission, to protect lives and property if found necessary; afterwards returned to ship.

Before sealing this dispatch I shall inclose clippings from newspapers giving latest intelligence, but will be unable to properly paste and arrange them.

Trusting my action may merit the approval of the Department,

I have the honor, etc.,

GEO. W. MERRILL.

No. 46.]

Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.

UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, February 8, 1892. SIR: The semiannual election of members of the Hawaiian legislature took place February 3, after several weeks of exciting canvass. The principal issue on the part of the business men and more conservative and responsible citizens was in respect of treaty relations with the United States. These supporters of the proposed new treaty which they believe has been negotiated at Washington had the approval of the principal Government officials, though the cabinet is far from being vigorous and influential. The opposition, or Liberals, as they term themselves, composed mostly of the irresponsible white voters, halfcastes, and of a large majority of the native Hawaiians, pushed their canvass on three lines-a new constitution, opposition to the present cabinet, and hostility to the proposed treaty, though it finally hedged and disclaimed more or less in regard to the last.

These so-called Liberals were led by Wilcox, the half-caste who was at the head of the revolutionary outbreak in July, 1887, and by C. W. Ashford, the Canadian member of the cabinet, who betrayed and deserted his associates when Minister Carter was trying to negotiate a new treaty in 1889. This Ashford has some ability, any amount of audacity, and is utterly without scruples, and has done his utmost to influence the prejudices and passions of the native Hawaiians. Both he and Wilcox secured their election as representatives from this island. The legislature is composed of 48 members, one-half being nobles elected by property holding or income voters. The Conservatives and friends of the treaty have secured most all of the nobles and enough of the representatives to give them a decisive majority, sufficient, it is thought, to secure the approval of the treaty, even with the Pearl Harbor grant in perpetuity. Not improbably there may be a change of cabinet when the legislature assembles in May.

There are increasing indications that the annexation sentiment is growing among the business men as well as with the less responsible of the foreign and native population of the islands. The present political situation is feverish, and I see no prospect of its being permanently otherwise until these islands become a part of the American Union or a possession of Great Britain. The intelligent and responsible men here, unaided by outside support, are too few in numbers to control in political affairs and to secure good government. There are indications that even the "Liberals," just beaten at the election, though composed of a majority of the popular vote, are about to declare for annexation, at least their leaders, their chief newspaper having already published editorials to this effect. At a future time, after the proposed treaty shall have been ratified, I shall deem it my official duty to give a more elaborate statement of facts and reasons why a "new departure" by the United States as to Hawaii is rapidly becoming a necessity, that a "protectorate" is impracticable, and that annexation must be the future remedy, or else Great Britain will be furnished with circumstances and opportunity to get a hold on these islands which will cause future serious embarrassment to the United States.

At this time there seems to be no immediate prospect of its being safe to have the harbor of Honolulu left without an American vessel of Last week a British gunboat arrived here, and it is said will remain here for an indefinite period. JOHN L. STEVENS,

war.

I am, sir, etc.,

S. Ex. 77—12

No. 48.]

Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.

UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, March 8, 1892.

SIR: In view of possible contingencies in these islands, I ask for the instructions of the Department of State on the following, viz:

If the Government here should be surprised and overturned by an orderly and peaceful revolutionary movement, largely of native Hawaiians and a provisional or republican government organized and proclaimed, would the United States minister and naval commander here be justified in responding affirmatively to the call of the members of the removed Government to restore them to power or replace them in possession of the Government buildings? Or should the United States minister and naval commander confine themselves exclusively to the preservation of American property, the protection of American citizens, and the prevention of anarchy? Should a revolutionary attempt of the character indicated be made, there are strong reasons to presume that it would begin with the seizure of the police station, with its arms and ammunition, and this accomplished, the Royal Palace and the Government building, containing the cabinet offices and archives, would very soon be captured, the latter building being situated about one-third of a mile from the police station. In such contingencies would it be justifiable to use the United States forces here to restore the Government buildings to the possession of the displaced officials? Ordinarily in like circumstances the rule seems to be to limit the landing and movement of the United States force in foreign waters and dominion exclusively to the protection of the United States legation, and of the lives and property of American citizens. But as the relations of the United States to Hawaii are exceptional, and in former years the United States officials here took somewhat exceptional action in circumstances of disorder, I desire to know how far the present minister and naval commander may deviate from established international rules and precedents in the contingencies indicated in the first part of this dispatch.

I have information which I deem reliable that there is an organized revolutionary party on the islands, composed largely of native Hawaiians and a considerable number of whites and haft whites, led chiefly by individuals of the latter two classes. This party is hostile to the Queen and to her chief confidants, especially opposed to the coming to the throne of the half-English heir apparent, now being educated in England, and means to gain its object either by forcing the Queen to select her cabinet from its own members, or else to overthrow the monarchy and establish a republic with the ultimate view of annexation to the United States of the whole islands. A portion of this party mean only the former, and the other portion intend the latter. Failing to accomplish the former, the most of the party would seek the latter alternative. I have little doubt the revolutionary attempt would have been made ere this but for the presence here of the United States ship-of-war. I still incline to the opinion that the revolutionary attempt will not be made so long as there is a United States force in the harbor of Honolylu, but it would be rash to assume or assert this positively. Therefore I deem it my official duty to ask for instructions in view of possible contingencies. I may add that the annexation sentiment is increasing, quite as much among the white residents and native Hawaiians, and other workingmen who own no sugar stock, as with the sugar planters.

I am, sir, etc.,