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military skill intermingled with errors, of blundering movements, hairbreadth escapes, and fortuitous successes. Prince Kutusoff comes in for an ample share of the blame. A great opportunity was addled by his instructions to Admiral Tchitchakoff, founded on mistaken impressions or false information. The Admiral, or a directing Providence, had enabled his army to evade the natural consequences of unseasonable delay and contradictory orders, addressed to him by the Commander-in-Chief. A happy foresight and judicious exertions had, in spite of all obstructions, brought the whole force, recruited en route, from the banks of the Danube to those of the Beresina in time to co-operate with the Commander-in-Chief at a point of advantage fatal in appearance to the retreating enemy. Everything seemed to concur for giving a final blow to Napoleon and his fortunes, when by one indecisive operation a door was opened for his escape, and he was not the man to let an adversary's blunder pass for nothing. Over waters of formidable breadth, over marshes imperfectly frozen, over bridges tottering beneath their burdens, the destroyer of Moscow, the vanquisher of half Europe, the hero of fifty battles, conducted the wrecks of that colossal armament which had seemed to defy the chances of war, and to place at his disposal the paths of universal conquest.

'Has toties optata exegit gloria pœnas!'

It was on the 5th of December, at eight in the morning, that Napoleon proceeded in a carriage to Smorgoni, and there, convoking a council, notified his intention of departing forthwith for Paris, as his presence in the capital was essential for the interests of the army as well as of the Empire. Sir Robert, in stating this decision of the Imperial fugitive, remarks with generous candour, that the motives were too apparently reasonable and prospectively beneficial not to satisfy every one, after a short time, that it was not a flight for personal safety, but a measure of paramount necessity for the common welfare.'

With respect to the forces which had naturally to bear the brunt of such crushing disasters, a few ciphers, placed in contrast, will suffice to manifest the loss in men, and partly in artillery. The sufferings and privations endured by all are vividly recorded by one who was himself an eyewitness and often a partaker of the calamity; for the sufferings and losses on the Russian side, too, were dreadful. If the fever of ambition be

It is touching amidst this record of death and suffering to read M. de Fezenzac's account (p. 320) of a French child of six mouths old who was safely carried back from Moscow by her mother, a cantinière of the 33rd Regiment, without even having caught cold during the whole time. How much kindness must have been shown to mother and child by the poor perishing soldiers!

in some degree cooled by such horrors, and the flame of patriotism nourished by the memory of those who met them with so high a courage, the enterprise and the catastrophe may alike prove useful in future times, when a similar temptation may arise, or a similar infliction follow in its train.

'The confederated army which passed the Niemen under Napoleon's own immediate orders was composed as follows, according to an official return still extant in the French War Office:

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Horses, 164,456-exclusive of 22,665 for the artillery, &c.;
Artillery, 1242 pieces-exclusive of 130 siege artillery for
Riga.'

The relics of this immense host-at least of that portion of it which had acted under Napoleon's own orders on the main line of invasion—are stated as having perhaps amounted, at the passage of the Beresina, on their retreat, to 70,000 or 80,000 souls, of which the combatants did not exceed 40,000 ;' the Old Guard being reckoned at 4000, the Young at 3000, and the cavalry of the Guard at 1500. Further reductions rapidly took place. On the 2nd of December it was reported officially that only 7000 infantry and 2000 cavalry were under arms. On the 10th, Murat, left in command by Napoleon, began his march with 4500 combatants, 1000 of which were cavalry.

On leaving Moscow the French army had consisted of 90,000 effective infantry, 14,000 feeble cavalry, 12,000 armed men employed in the various services,' and 'more than 20,000 non-combatants, sick and wounded.'

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It is stated in the Private Journal' that Napoleon cleared himself' at the Beresina with 45,000 effective men; and a grand total of the French force is made to amount to 153,000, as being 'the remains of 300,000 which passed the Russian frontier.'

The Duc de Fezensac tells us, in his interesting Recollections,' that the entire army amounted to 500,000 men, of whom 420,000 formed the Grand Army, and 80,000 formed the Wings. Of the Grand Army, 100,000 were made prisoners, and 300,000 perished (a calculation confirmed by the reports of the Russian authorities who were charged with the duty of burning the dead bodies); while 10,000 at the utmost-nearly all of them sick or lame-repassed the Vistula. The Wings only lost about 20,000 men, and 60,000 of the force composing the Wings repassed the Vistula (making in all 70,000 saved out of 500,000).

We confess to being puzzled by the numerical discrepancies observable in the respective publications, but rest, nevertheless, on what appears from each, though in different degrees, of the vastness

vastness of the enterprise and of the losses which attended its failure.

All the world knows with what vigour and occasional success Napoleon rallied in the spring of 1813. No sooner was the campaign about to open in good earnest than Lord Cathcart proposed to employ Sir Robert with some part of the Russian army. Sir Robert was quite ready to serve, but he objected to go under the designation of a volunteer,' and, naturally enough, insisted on having a recognised position suited to his military rank. His letters on this subject display a characteristic sense of personal value and an unbroken zeal for the public service. He was 'mortified,' but not dejected. He writes soon after from Langdorf that he had received a carte blanche for his movements to the centre and left of the Russian army.' He lost no time in seeking the imperial head-quarters; but the attraction of a field of battle was too strong for him, and, guided by the sound of cannon, he found his way to the Allies engaged at Lutzen. He appears to have taken an active part in the engagement. During the whole day he was almost incessantly exposed to a storm of shot and bullets.' Both Russians and Prussians fought well, but the principal loss fell upon the latter, and a retreat next day was the consequence. Austria still hesitated between fear and inclination, and a perplexing uncertainty hung on that account over the plans of the Allied Army. A letter dated from Bautzen on the 10th of May, and addressed to the Duke of Gloucester, presents a comprehensive view of the situation, political as well as military. It shows, moreover, that Sir Robert did not pass through the ordeal of Lutzen without a wound. Hurt or unhurt, contented or discontented, he went from one scene of conflict or negotiation to another, according as the vicissitudes of war or the openings for peace repressed or encouraged his constitutional love of action and adventure. We have read somewhere an expression of wonder and horror by a French officer, at the pertinacity and ubiquity of this Wilson, whom the French were sure to find in the field against them, go to what country they would! At sundry capitals of Central Europe he found a varied relaxation from the fatigues and perils of military life. He gave his aid or his advice with equal readiness. His opinions, whether founded on passing events or applied to future contingencies, were freely declared, and his censures, if justly elicited, were not always managed with a discretion equal to their sincerity. On the 7th of May he was in camp near Wildsruff with General Milaradowitch, who had to cross the Elbe, followed, after some obstruction, by the French. He rendered good service at the bridge. He was hotly and perilously engaged Vol. 117.-No. 233.

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in the battle of Bautzen on May 21st. Writing at Plauendorf on the 5th of June, he mentions the conclusion of an armistice for six weeks. It was mediated by Austria. The Katzbach formed the line of demarcation. He fondly imagined that the remainder of the year would pass without a renewal of hostilities. In this expectation he made the most of his opportunities for dancing and feasting. On the 20th of August he was writing at Prague. Austria had declared war against Napoleon a few days before. A grand review of more than 60,000 men, under the command of Prince Schwartzenburg, took place before the two Emperors and the King of Prussia. Sir Robert was present. The chiefs were agitated by questions as to the general command, and the character of their future operations. They had altogether about 250,000 men wherewith to meet the enemy. Napoleon's disposable force for the invasion of Bohemia was reckoned at 200,000. Before the end of August war was again raging-our General in the thick of it. He had several narrow escapes. Once he was the first to escalade a strong redoubt. On another occasion he found himself by mistake amongst a body of French Guards. He was one of the group round Moreau when that illustrious emigrant received his death-shot. He gives a picturesque account of the field-council, imperial and royal, which, in wind and rain, decided on exchanging the bombardment of Dresden for a march into Bohemia. His language, when writing at Töplitz, is not a little impressive:—

'I must leave off, as the cannonade rapidly approaches. The army has been defiling through the most difficult roads, through the most desperate country, through the most impracticable woods that Europe presents. When the traveller hereafter passes through these mountains, he will not believe that an army of 200,000 men, with all its train of equipages, &c., could have got through-especially when pursued by an enemy.'

Severe engagements followed, with much loss on both sides, particularly of baggage, which was 'nearly all taken or destroyed,' on that of the allies. The confusion appears to have been extreme, and not only in the field, but in council too. At last it was agreed that the Austrian and Russian armies should act under separate commands. On the eve of this event Sir Robert observes that much may be imagined, when it is recollected that in a small village three Courts, Cabinets, and Councils of War are assembled, and that within the eye's range three armies of three different nations are in position.' Henceforward his lot was to be cast with the Austrian army. On the 7th of September he left Töplitz for his new position. Soon afterwards, he describes the allies as having lost more than 100,000 men, '36,000

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Austrians, 40,000 Russians, and 26,000 Prussians of the Bohemian force.' He further states, on official authority, that the French had 400,000 men between the Saal and the Oder.' His own opinion was that they had 220,000 disposable. On the 16th of October was fought the first battle of Leipsic. The Allies were the assailants. The forces were nearly equal. The action ended at night. The same respective positions were retained. The losses were heavy. After an interval of three days, employed partly in exchanging ideas of peace with Napoleon, who declared his wish for it, the second battle ensued before Leipsic. The retreat of the French next day was purchased at a costly sacrifice of life, and perhaps necessitated by want of provisions. Leipsic, anyhow, was taken by the Allies, but under circumstances which made Sir Robert think that an acceptance of Napoleon's terms of peace might then have been the wisest policy.

He was now to change his scene of action. Lord Burghersh was appointed from England to reside with the commander of the Austrian army, but by no means under the ambassador's control. This appointment of a junior officer appeared to Sir Robert as an insult, as well as an injury.' Lord Aberdeen concurred with the Sovereigns and chiefs at head-quarters in wishing him to stay. But it was otherwise decided, and after a delay of some weeks he transferred his services to Italy, taking Switzerland on his way thither, for purposes connected with the progress of the allied armaments. He started for Basle in December. Count Capo d'Istrias was to be his Russian, the Chevalier Lebzeltern his Austrian colleague. It was resolved that the Rhine should be passed. He moved with the advanced guard. From Basle he went to Huningen, reconnoitred that fortress at much personal risk, and even passed some hours in the trenches after the fire had opened. Towards the middle of January, 1814, he was at Vicenza, and in the north of Italy till the end of June, when he returned by Paris to England. Events in Italy, whether civil or military, were in the main subordinate to those in France. The Journal,' however, continues to offer many points of interest. Sir Robert enjoyed the confidence of Marshal Bellegarde; he was brought into personal communication with Murat, Beauharnais, the King of Sardinia, Pius VII., Lord William Bentinck, and others. He negotiated with Murat, at Bologna. He found time for seeing lions to any amount. remarks are seldom wanting in point. Even his gossip is always characteristic. A certain tincture of disappointment often prevails in his reflections. There is much of what is happily expressed by that popular exclamation of The King at the

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