sider his retiring; then, too, the great contest thickened around him, and the brave, bold men who had severed the real and imaginary chains which bound this country to England, were now more than ever needed to maintain and strengthen the position they had taken, and which was so readily accepted by the army and the greater part of the country.

Many men in the Middle States stood aghast at the frightful responsibility made apparent by the Declaration of Independence and the organization of independent governments of the States; and some, who had, as conservatives, been identified with the cause of freedom, now secluded themselves or went over to the British. This defection was especially noticeable among the wealthy or proprietary class. It is worthy of remark that throughout the great conflict, two species of men mainly took advantage of British proclamations and overtures in exposed and fluctuating districts, the extremely wealthy and the extremely poor. In the great intermediate ranks were found those who, being above personal dread, would consider no terms from the enemies of their country, and were ready to risk their property and their lives in the defense of their principles.

Some who had been leaders in the opposition, men too magnanimous and genuine to forsake their country, because their own predilections had not been sustained in the national council, now became earnest workers in the common cause, and some of them, as Robert Morris and John Jay, were among the most able and valuable men connected with the war for independence. As the monetary agent of the government, the labors of Robert Morris ranked but little less than those of

the General-in-Chief or the Congress, in the progress of the cause or in its final success. Even the Quakers, who had stood in the way at Philadelphia, took the side of energetic measures, and some of them actually became soldiers in the Continental Army; and Philadelphia itself became the most central, desirable, and patriotic seat for the government.

It has generally been supposed that great unanimity prevailed in the counsels of the Old Continental Congress. The following letter, written in Mr. Adams's open and interesting style to William Plumer, March 28, 1813, shows the opposite to be true, to a great extent, and is a singular description of the struggle for the Declaration of Independence, even after the Colonies had made their last efforts in sending representatives to the Congress who should be favorable to the

measure.

He wrote:

"You inquire, in your kind letter of the 19th, whether 'every member of Congress did, on the 4th of July, 1776, in fact, cordially approve of the Declaration of Independence.'

"They who were then members, all signed it, and, as I could not see their hearts, it would be hard for me to say that they did not approve it; but, as far as I could penetrate the intricate, internal foldings of their souls, I then believed and have not since altered my opinion, that there were several who signed with regret, and several others, with many doubts and much lukewarmness. The measure had been upon the carpet for months, and obstinately opposed from day to day. Majorities were constantly against it. For many days the majority depended upon Mr. Hewes, of North Carolina. While a member, one day, was speaking, and reading documents from all the Colonies, to prove that the public opinion, the general sense of all, was in favor of the measure, when he came to North Carolina, and produced letters and public proceedings which demonstrated that the majority of that Colony were in favor of it, Mr. Hewes, who had hitherto

constantly voted against it, started suddenly upright, and lifting up both hands towards Heaven, as if he had been in a trance, cried out, 'It is done! and I will abide by it.' I would give more for a perfect painting of the terror and horror upon the faces of the old majority, at that critical moment, than for the best piece of Raphael. The question, however, was eluded by an immediate motion for adjournment.

"The struggle in Congress was long known abroad. Some members, who foresaw that the point would be carried, left the house and went home, to avoid voting in the affirmative or negative. Pennsylvania and New Jersey recalled all their delegates who had voted against independence, and sent new ones expressly to vote for it. The last debate but one was the most copious and the most animated; but the question was now evaded by a motion to postpone it to another day; some members, however, declaring that, if the question should be now demanded, they should vote for it, but they wished for a day or two more to consider of it. When that day arrived, some of the new members desired to hear the arguments for and against the measure. When these were summarily recapitulated, the question was put and carried. There were no yeas and nays in those times. A committee was appointed to draw a declaration; when reported, it underwent abundance of criticism and alteration; but, when finally accepted, all those members who had voted against independence, now declared they would sign and support it."

CHAPTER XIII.

MR. ADAMS'S LAST DAYS IN THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESSTHE CABAL AGAINST WASHINGTON-DR. FRANKLIN

IN

GIVES HIS THEORY OF COLDS TO MR. ADAMS—

STRONG WIVES MAKE GREAT HUSBANDS.

N his Autobiography, in speaking of the work done by the committee of the Congress on instructing New Hampshire to establish a form of government suited to the condition of affairs at the time, November, 1775, Mr. Adams wrote: "By this time I mortally hated the words, Province, Colonies, and Mother Country, and strove to get them out of the report. The last was, indeed, left out, but the other two were retained even by this committee, who were all as high Americans as any in the House, unless Mr. Gadsden should be excepted. Nevertheless, I thought the reșolution a triumph, and a most important point gained." He further wrote: "When it was under consideration, I labored afresh to expunge the words Colony, and Colonies, and insert the words State, and States, and the word dispute to make way for that of war, and the word Colonies, for that of America, or States, but the child was not yet weaned."

When the great contest for the Declaration of Independence was mainly over, Mr. Adams wrote to his wife, July 3, 1776, in the following manner :

The information you give me, of our friend (James Warren) refusing his appointment (as judge of the Superior Court), has

given me much pain, grief, and anxiety. I believe I shall be obliged to follow his example. I have not fortune enough to support my family, and, what is of more importance, to support the dignity of that exalted station (that of Chief Justice). It is too high and lifted up, for me, who delight in nothing so much as retreat, solitude, silence, and obscurity. In private life, no one has a right to censure me for following my own inclinations in retirement, simplicity, and frugality. In public life, every man has a right to remark as he pleases. At least he thinks so.

"Yesterday the greatest question was decided, which ever was debated in America, and a greater, perhaps, never was nor will be decided among men. A resolution was passed without one dissenting Colony, that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, and as such they have, and of right ought to have, full power, to make war, conclude peace, establish commerce, and do all other acts and things which other States may rightfully do.' You will see in a few days a Declaration setting forth the causes which have impelled us to this mighty revolution, and the reasons which will justify it in the sight of God and man. A plan of confederation will be taken up in a few days.

"When I look back to the year 1761, and recollect the argument concerning writs of assistance in the Superior Court, which I have hitherto considered as the commencement of this controversy between Great Britain and America, and run through the whole period, from that time to this, and recollect the series of political events, the chain of causes and effects, I am surprised at the suddenness, as well as the greatness of this revolution. Britain has been filled with folly, and America with wisdom. At least, this is my judgment. Time must determine. It is the will of Heaven that the two countries should be sundered forever. It may be the will of Heaven that America shall suffer calamities still more wasting, and distresses yet more dreadful. If this is to be the case, it will have this good effect at least. It will inspire us with many virtues which we have not, and correct many errors, follies, and vices which threaten to disturb, dishonor, and destroy us. The furnace of affliction produces refinement, in States, as well as in individuals. And the new governments we are assuming, in every part, will require a purification from our vices, and an augmentation of our virtues, or they will be no blessings. The people will have unbounded power, and the people are extremely