Formosa is too large, and its channel too dangerous; besides, it has no good harbor. Chusan is too far north; unless it were determined to have settlements on more than one island, in which case it would be a fine position for the trade of the northern provinces; but, we would suggest that instead of skulking into these, as it were in the dark, a formal demand for them should be made from the emperor, not with a view to conquest, or colonies, which it is not the wise policy of a commercial nation to multiply, but with the view of effectually, by the presence of British authorities, with a decent force, at their doors, keeping the Chinese in mind of the treaty, which would be nade; and which they most certainly would contrive to forget, should the execution of it be entrusted solely to their remembrance. Mr. Thompson is, as far as we know, correct in his observations about the possibility of stoppage of the internal and coasting trade; nothing seems to be easier, but we cannot believe that there would be occasion for the experiment. Without that trade, multitudes would be in distress, and probably revolt, in a few months; but, it may fairly be questioned, whether we have a right to relieve ourselves of a slight trouble by causing such misery. It is not against the people of China that our exertions should be directed-they are our friends; it is against the corrupt, cowardly rulers, who insist on keeping this fine portion of the globe cut off from the rest of the world, and consequently, from the benefit of the improvements which would follow a change. In the usual style, our author sums up thus:

"But the prosecution of such measures would be, indeed, and in fact, actual warfare on the part of Great Britain against China. But, surely, the government and people of this country have not yet arrived at the conclusion, that it is lawful and fit for them to compel the Chinese to adopt European notions of commercial intercourse by that which ought to be the last of all resorts-namely, war! I trust that as the several authorities in this country have hitherto uniformly disclaimed any such intention, they will continue, by all possible means, to avert so dreadful an alternative. It may then be asked, are conflicts and aggressions between Chinese and British subjects still to be allowed, in the hope that nothing of a more serious nature may occur; when, at the same time, it must be palpable to most understandings, that if some effectual check be not put thereto, they may eventually lead to such occurrences, as to produce a state of warfare between the two empires? I think a check, of the kind supposed, can be effected by the government of this country, and I proceed to its consideration in the next division of these pages.

We should much like to know what war was ever embarked in, that would bear a close inquiry into the motives influencing it. It is rich indeed that Great Britain, whose arms have been carried, on one pretence or other, into every corner of the globe; at one time, to force taxes down the throats of the Americans, at another, a king down those of the Frenchmen; sometimes for the possession of an island, not worth having; at others, but to keep the minister of the day in power, by diverting the attention of the people; it is, we say, rich, that in the nineteenth century, we should be asking for

a right to go to war. If we have the power, we have the right. So it has ever been, so it will ever be. The rest is but humbug; the mawkish philanthropy may suit a Utopian or the golden age, but for this working-day-world the theory is too fine.

After many pros and cons, as to how things are to be managed, when Macao is ceded to us, Mr. Thompson lets the cloven foot peep out at last :

"The company's agents, now in China might, if deemed advisable, be vested with the powers referred to at Canton; and should any increase to their number be found requisite for the due discharge of these functions, some of the late members of the China factory might be associated with them for that purpose. ***

Whatever objections, therefore, may arise from moral considerations to the trade in opium, it is no more to be expected that the British government in India will prohibit so lucrative a commerce to its subjects there, than that the government of Britain will interdict all trade in British and foreign spirits in the United Kingdom. It is under the conviction, then, that the trade in opium between India and China will still be encouraged and extended, that the suggestions respecting Macao have been offered, in order that, at least, every practical endeavor shall be used to prevent those collisions and that bloodshed which have hitherto but too often disgraced the British flag while occupied in that traffic in the waters and on the coasts of China.'

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So eh? as the Chinese say; but we have have strong doubts as to the fitness of these gentlemen for the employ; and yet stronger as to the degree of satisfaction which its adoption would cause to those interested in the trade. Are we never to have done with this company ? Is not the degraded state in which their conduct has placed foreigners, infinitely worse than when we first came to the country? For then, fortunately, there were private adventurers who demanded civility, and had courage and sense enough to return insult, and give blow for blow. Is it not sufficient that all has been lost not even "hormis l'honneur?" That we are now restrained to buy our tea, in fear and trembling, lest some drunken sailor should stop the trade, by knocking a Chinese on the head? That our flag should be despised, our sovereign insulted, his envoy spurned, and virtually murdered? That we should be deprived of the common rights of humanity, intercourse with our families? That we should be cooped up, like rats in a cage, abused in edicts, refused appeal to the laws, subject to all sorts of personal annoyance and moral degradation; is not this-the debt we owe to the honorable East India companysufficient? Do we want more of them and their doings? Their time is past, the incubus is off at last, let us have no more of it.

ART. II. Remarks on the political, moral, and religious state of Ultragangetic India. Written in 1820, by the late Rev. William Milne, D. D.

THE Ultragangetic, or Indochinese nations, may be considered as cominencing with Burmah, and stretching eastward along the continent to the isles of Japan, including the Malayan Archipelago, and the vast groups of islands lying between Pulo Penang and Corea. These embrace some of the most populous and interesting countries under heaven. They contain a full third of the human race; and from a variety of considerations, have most urgent claims on the benevolence and commiseration of the people of Christendom. That in regard to civilization, the best of them are centuries behind the least improved nations in Europe, no oue who possesses any knowledge of the history of both, will for an instant deny. Many of the tribes living in the interior parts of the islands, still continue in the wildest state of savage life; while the chief part of the inhabitants of the Archipelago, are in the comparative scale, semi-barbarians. All the governments of the Ultragangetic nations are despotic, and many of them tyrannical in a very high degree. To exalt and aggrandiz privileged orders of men, and keep the people in a low, degrading servitude, ever children in understanding, and the vassals of arbitrary power, seems the uniform tendency of every native government on this side of India, without the exception of one. Their constitutions seem framed on this principle, and the spirit of their laws tends to this end. In as far as the theory of their governments may be investigated and reduced to general philosophical principles, and the annual details of the executive power laid open to public view, in so far will this proposition appear confirmed; particular temporary exceptions cannot invalidate it. The report of a traveler who begins to describe a country before he has lived three months in it, to pronounce on its literature before he has learned its language, eulogize its laws before he has seen the development of a single principle of the government, ought to be received with some reserve; for, though perhaps the only means from which the public can for the time form a judgment of that country, future researches, made under more favorable circumstances, will very likely give a different view of the subject. Such is the tendency of the native governments of the Ultragangetic nations; and it will be well for those who may attempt the spread of the gospel in these parts, to keep this in view.

Politics do not, it is admitted, form any part of the object of missionary societies; yet it is of the first importance for them to form a correct judgment of the intellectual character of the people whose condition they aim to ameliorate. And who knows not that the leading characteristics of every government, have a mighty influence

on the progress of intellect and the formation of moral character ? They are indeed actually and faithfully transcribed in the hearts of the people, so that one totally unacquainted with the particular qualities of a government may, a posteriore, be fully persuaded of what its nature is, from the conduct and character of the people. Liberty, in the occidental acceptation of the word, is totally unknown under the native governments; therefore missionaries must not expect it, but previously to their coming forth, should firmly resolve to bear with patience and peace, all the inconveniences that may arise from living under governments in their nature the very reverse of those under which they may have been brought up; and under all the various forms of legislative administration, should be prepared to be subject to the powers that be." From these causes, vigorous intellect, improved understanding, independence of mind, comprehensiveness of view, and an open unsuspecting frankness of disposition, are rare things in this part of the world, and still more so where the system of idolatry is of so degrading a kind, It is, however, the peculiar glory of the gospel that it is suited to all the different degrees of understanding among men: vigor and comprehension of intellect are not absolutely necessary in order to its recep; tion, though it is indeed in many cases the parent of them.

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The religions of Ultragangetic India are three; the Pagan, the Mohammedan, and the Christian. Burmah, Tibet, Siam, Camboja, Cochinchina, China, and Japan, are overspread with the Budhistic idolatry, whilst a very considerable portion of the Chinese, and of the people tributary to this empire, are infected with a vain atheistical philosophy, which recognizes no God, and which acknowledges no hereafter. The people, i. e. the great mass, all "worship the work of their own hands." Various other forms of idolatry, not yet clearly described, are found to exist in the interior of some of the islands, where human sacrifices are offered. The early prevalence of Hindooism on Java, Sumatra, &c., the traces of which remain to this day, has been fully proved by sir Stamford Raffles, in his large and interesting history of Java.

The Mohammedan faith prevails more or less in the chief conntries of Ultragangetic India, has spread entirely over some of the Malay countries, and runs along the coast of most of the Archipelagian isles, even that of Borneo, and the Celebes. In some places it has a strong ecclesiastical establishment, which will not be easily overthrown. Several versions of the Koran, or parts thereof, have been made, three of which we have heard of, viz: one into the Chinese, one into the Malay, and one into the Maccassar language. In those copies read in the mosques, the Arabic fills one column of the page, and the translation into the vernacular tongue, the other. It is highly probable that the Koran, or parts of it, and the ritual of Islamism, have been rendered into various other languages of eastern India, though we have not obtained certain information respecting such versions. The nature of Islamism was known in Europe centuries ago; it would therefore be superfluous to say any thing on

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that subject here. We may just observe, that surrounded as the professors of this faith hereabouts are with idolaters of various descriptions, it is not to be wondered at, if they lose their reverence for the prime article of their religion, the unity of God, and be found, as is sometimes actually the case, doing service to them who are by nature no gods." So feeble is the influence of their belief in the doctrine of providence, that they repose as firm a faith in spells, charms, ghosts, and dismal tales, as any of the blind idolatrous nations about them. Indeed, we cease to wonder at this, when we see Roman catholic Christians worshiping at the shrine of some Pagan or Mohammedan saint, and protestant Christians (to the everlasting reproach of their principles) calling in the aid of heathen conjurors to discover thefts, and charm away the rheumatism! This leads us to say a word ou the state of Christianity in the Ultragangetic nations.

Christianity, under the two principal forms in which it appears in Europe, viz. the catholic and protestant, has been partially made known in several of these countries, for some ages past. The Portuguese carried their faith along with their arms, and planted the former wherever the ravages or conquests of the latter extended. The Spaniards did the same. Goa and Macao were early the chief seats of the Portuguese ecclesiastical authority in India; Luçonia, or Manila, that of the Spanish. The catholic missions yet existing in these countries are four; the Portuguese, the Spanish, the French, and the Italian. On this side of India, the Portuguese have misSions in Malacca, Timor, and China. The Spanish missions are chiefly in Manila and the Philippine isles, Tungking, and the remains of a mission in China. The French missions exist in Penang, Siam, Cochinchina, and some remains of them still in China. The Italian are those of the Society de Propaganda Fide. These four missions have each a clerical gentleman, commonly an aged missionary, residing in Macao as agent for the missions, who is also a corresponding director. The present state of the catholic missions is very little known. The persecutions they have suffered on China and other countries, together with the long interval of efficient communication with the continent of Europe, during the late war, have greatly weakened them; perhaps entirely extinguished them in some places.

Some remarks on the catholic religion as propagated in China, have been made in the former part of this work. The writer could wish that a regard to the truth did not compel him either to be totally silent, or to speak in the most unfavorable terms, of the state of religion among the catholics in the European colonies of Ultragangetic India. But is it not the observation of every one who has bestowed the least attention on the subject, that extreme Ignorance, gross superstition, unbearable pride, connected with squalid poverty, and the neglect of business, are the characteristics of the mass of the lower classes of catholics? And in many cases, is there not visible such a depravity of morals, as is quite painful to