two countries engage in war. Can it be true, that persons who have expatriated themselves under such circumstances, can be bound to allegiance to their original country? Could such have been the understanding of any of the persons concerned? It does seem to me to be at war with the plainest principles of reason and humanity. In this case, the population is thrown off upon the principle of self-preservation in respect to the original country; it is received into the second, upon the principles of humanity; and afterwards, forsooth, it turns out that they are bound to be the enemy, or at best, but inefficient friends to the country in which they reside; into which they have been hospitably received, and by the laws of which they have been protected. Doctrines leading to such consequences cannot be true. But, sir, it is the practical consequences of this pretended right of Great Britain, of which we have the greatest cause to complain. Under the pretext of impressing English sailors, thousands of native-born American seamen have been forcibly dragged from their ships, their country, and friends, and compelled to endure a state of military imprisonment on board British ships of war, to fight against those who were not their enemies, and for those who had despoiled them of their liberty, and all which can endear life to man. It is true, the British Government disavows this practice, but it is equally true that it is persisted in; and it is equally true, that they are not ignorant that such must be the consequence of the practice of impressment. H. of R. any of our rights as an independent nation, in order to secure that object. Let us stand firmly by our own rights, and depend upon our own exertions for security. Sir, I will not enter into an examination of the question, whether this war was declared at the precise point of time when it ought. I will not endeavor to prove that it ought to have been declared sooner, or that the declaration ought to have been postponed awhile. We are engaged in war, and the great desideratum seems to be, in what way we can most probably get out of it without loss or disgrace. Neither will I undertake to investigate the question, whether this war has been skilfully conducted or not. I feel unable to say that it has been ably managed; it does, seem to me, that the means furnished have not been well directed to the end. But this does not furnish to my mind a sufficient argument for withholding the means. When we furnish the means, we have done our duty; the responsibility will not rest on us; and I am entirely averse to take on myself the responsibility that might be consequent upon a denial of the means. I will now come to the question presenting itself more directly by the bill under consideration. This bill proposes to authorize a loan, the object of which is to procure money to defray the expenses of the war. We have passed sundry bills with a view to the prosecution of the war, which are all dependent, as to their efficacy, upon this; all of which will be entirely lifeless without this. This is necessary to add sinews and give motion Gentlemen here lay great stress on what they to the whole machinery. Is it not expedient to are pleased to call the necessity of Great Britain's pass it? I hold that it is. In reflecting upon this exercising this practice in order to secure her subject, I have concluded in my mind, that it is maritime power, which power, they say, is ne- always expedient, when a nation is engaged in a cessary to preserve her existence. I do not admit, state of war with a strong Power-with a Power sir, that the overgrown power now possessed by capable of taking advantage of its errors and enGreat Britain is necessary to her existence; but, dangering its rights-to prepare amply and proseif it is, it is no argument with me for abandoning cute the war vigorously, without reference to the any of our rights. This doctrine of necessity, as original cause of the war. I would pursue this applied to the British navy, is extremely vague; course, sir, because I would be unwilling to put and if settled as a principle, would lead to con- to hazard any of the unquestionable rights of the sequences, by a very plausible kind of reasoning, nation, by a feeble and inefficient course of warwhich would destroy the maritime rights of every fare; because, sir, I would rather the nation to other nation. The naval superiority of Britain which I belong would have it in its power to dicis necessary to secure her existence; the naval tate the terms of pacification than to be dictated superiority of Britain cannot be supported with- to. I am not willing to admit, that as an indiout just as much of the commerce of the world vidual, there are not many acts of injustice which as she deems necessary to effectuate this object; I would rather suffer than do; in which I would therefore, Britain ought to have the monopoly of rather be acted upon, than be the actor; but, sir, all commerce; she ought to carry for all; she I will frankly declare, that I would rather take ought to buy and sell for all, if necessary to sup- upon myself the proper dividend of almost any port her navy. Gentlemen, I hope, are not pre-acs of injustice to a foreign nation, than my por pared to admit this; but really, when we see the various attempts which the British Government have made to change the old settled principles of national law, or rather to introduce new princi-e ples, I am compelled to believe she desires some thing like such monopoly. I am, for one, not prepared to yield to the correctness of her reasoning as to the necessity of pursuing such a course for the security of her national existence, or the existence of her Government; neither am I, admitting its correctness, willing to surrender 13th CoN. 2d SESS.-46 tion of the disgrace that might be consequent upon a war feebly and inefficiently prosecuted. The nation against which we are making war, is strong nation; of this we have ample evidence; very recently by her prowess, and through the means of her financial resources, the gigantic power of Bonaparte has been broken,and dissipated in Spain and Portugal; she has been the very soul, the animating principle, and given sinews to that formidable league on continental Europe, which has defeated and driven the Emperor |