name. It is now a corporation; give it, we say, a local habitation, and invest it with some of the usual signs of physical existence. A beginning might be made by declaring by law that what is now known as the State Library, always to be located at the Capital and occupy apartments in the Capitol buildings, shall hereafter be known as the Library of the State University; and let the funds for its increase, which should be more liberal than heretofore, as well as the Library, be placed in the hands of the regents. A moderate sum annually' should be added, for the gradual establishment of an anatomical or other museum, to be located also at the Capital. In this way, it is supposed by your committee, that while the cause of science and learning would be immediately subserved, preparation might gradually be made for the University to enter on its proper business, as a school of instruction in the highest branches of learning, under well endowed professorships; and thus the state and the country, in time, escape the reproach of being obliged to send the sons of the republic to other countries, and to kingdoms, with which we have little connexion and no congeniality or sympathy, for the advantages of education in its higher walks and attainments.

In the bill which we propose, will be found provisions answering to the suggestions which we have now submitted in respect to the reorganization of the executive department of public instruction.

In concluding this report, your committee would say, that they cannot trust themselves to speak of the subject of Education, in so grave a document as this, as they would like to speak-of its vast importance, its advantages, its necessity. In another place, we should in

dulge in feelings and language which would not be becoming here. We should speak of the spectacle of an educated people--educated to the top of their faculties, as physical, organized, intellectual, moral and religious beings-educated above want and above pride, above fear and above reproach-educated to know what truth is, what charity is, what'justice is, what liberty is-educated to be generous, and peaceful, and free, and happy

educated to understand, and feel, and respond to every call of duty and of patriotism-educated out of vice and meanness, and into lofty thoughts and noble sentiments ---educated for home, for pleasure, for business--educated for themselves, for their families and kindred, for their friends and for their country. But we forbear. Such a country and such a people we believe ours ought to be, and may be.

The committee ask leave to bring in a bill.

REMARKS

IN THE ASSEMBLY OF NEW-YORK, TOUCHING THE ECONO

MICAL POLICY OF AN EXTENDED SYSTEM OF INTERNAL

IMPROVEMENTS; MARCH 13, 1838.

[Mr. Ruggles, Chairman of the Committee of Ways and means, had presented his Report on the Finances and Resources of the State; and a motion was pending for the printing of a large number of extra copies.]

Mr. SPEAKER--For one, I am in no degree surprised at the course of remark in which the member from Herkimer (Mr. Mann) has now indulged. We have just listened, a delighted auditory, to the reading of a document, drawn up with most uncommon clearness, comprehensiveness and power, which is now to go out to the community, with the undoubted effect of waking up this great, and greatly abused people, from a long and heavy slumber, into which they were thrown some ten years ago, by the skilful manipulations of a distinguished citizen, then a member of the senate of this state. It was due to this house, constituted as it is, that such a Report as that we have now heard, should have been made; and we may look to that particular effect to be produced by it, to which I have just alluded, with entire confidence. Sir, it was clearly the design of the financial paper, produced by the distinguished senator referred to, in 1827, to aim a fatal blow at our great works of internal improvement, while it should at the

same time, if possible, strike down the character and influence of that great man under the auspices of whose name those works had been commenced and prosecuted. The effect of that paper, able and deceptive as it was, was unhappily too great; and from that day to the present, the policy of this state on the great subject affected by it, has been uncertain and timid, without any competent system, and without any such efficiency, or result, as the condition of the state, and the condition of things about us demanded. Now, sir, I hail the report just read as eminently fitted to expose the sophisms of the former financial paper, to dissipate the mists which have gathered over the state, and to wake us up at once to a sense of our past injuries, and to the perception of our true interests. And it would have been strange indeed, if such a document as this had been allowed to pass without some commentary, designed, as far as possible, to take off its edge, detract from its high merits, and weaken its certain influence. Let, therefore, gentlemen be indulged in pouring out their ill-disguised bitterness on the report. It can do no harmgood rather.

But, sir, I have been called up by the extraordinary doctrine which has been put forward by the member from Herkimer, in the course of his remarks. The alarm of taxation is sounded: and we have been told that it seems to be wholly forgotten, that a great system of internal improvements, such as is sketched in this Report as being within the financial resources of the state, can only be carried forward and sustained, by taxation upon the people, direct or indirect. Now, sir, the term taxation as here used is meant to convey an