ART. IX. Obfervations on the Nature of Civil Liberty, the Principles of Government, and the Justice and Policy of the War with America. To which is added, an Appendix, containing a State of the National Debt, an Estimate of the Money drawn from the Public by the Taxes, and an Account of the National Income and Expenditure fince the laft War. By Richard Price, D. D. F. R. S. 8vo. 2 s. Cadell. 1776.

N the prefent alarming fituation of the British empire, it were to be wifhed that the free fentiments of every competent judge of our true national interefts were laid before the Public. Some very important communications have already been received, from writers who, on the one part, have appeared as advocates for America, and, on the other, from thofe who have chofen to ftand forth as champions for the difputed claims of government, and defenders of the measures of administration.

Among the moft refpectable of thefe writers, the Author of the prefent Obfervations muft, undoubtedly, be ranked. He does not attempt to engage our attention by the fpecious and flaming declamation of a party-zealot, or the factious invective and rant of modern patriotifm. In him we fee the warm pleader united with the found reafoner, the intelligent politician, and (above all) the INDEPENDENT MAN, the UNINFLUENCED FRIEND of his country*. His remarks, therefore, cannot fail of obtaining,-what they are moft juftly entitled to, the very ferious, and earneft, and (if it were poffible) the difpaffionate

We heartily wish, however, that we did not find ourselves obliged, by that regard to TRUTH, which must take place of every other confideration, to remark, that in one or two inftances, the worthy and public fpirited Writer hath rather given way to fomewhat of an intemperate fally, which had better have been fuppreffed, and thereby have prevented any impeachment of his candour. may refer, in particular, to that paffage where the Doctor thus expreffes himself, in refpect of those who have addreffed the throne in favour of coercive measures. Is it not the oppofition the Americans make to our pride; and not any injury they have done us, that is the fecret fpring of our prefent animofity against them?—I wish all in this kingdom would examine themselves carefully on this point. Perhaps, they might find, that they have not known what fpirit they are of. Perhaps, they would become fenfible, that it was a spirit of domination, more than a regard to the true intereft of this country, that lately led fo many of them, with fuch favage folly, to addrefs the throne for the flaughter of their brethren in America, if they will not fubmit to them; and to make offers of their lives and fortunes for that purpose.'-Surely the good Doctor cannot have formed fo uncharitable an idea of both the difpofition and intellects of all, among the many thousands of our countrymen, who have taken this method of declaring their opinion, on a fubject, concerning which, people of every rank and profeffion are fo greatly divided!

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attention

attention of his fellow citizens, of whatever party, or political perfuafion.

In confidering the great national subject before him, our Author proceeds on a plan, perfectly regular and methodical. His work is divided into three general parts. In the first he treats of, I. The Nature of Liberty in general. II. Of Civil Liberty, and the Principles of Government; and, III. Of the Authority of one country over another.

The fecond part contains the five following fections in the first he treats of the Justice of the war with America; the fecond is appropriated to the difcuffion of the great and fundamental queftion, Whether the War with America is juftified by the Principles of the Conftitution? The third fection of this part treats of the Policy of the war with America. In the fourth he inquires how far the Honour of the nation is concerned in our prefent contest with the Americans; and, in the fifth, he confiders the probability of our fucceeding in this war.

The third part confifts of an Appendix, containing a state of the national debt at Midfummer, 1775; an eftimate of the money drawn from the Public, by the taxes, and a comparison of the national income fince the laft war, with the national expenditure.

The whole of this work is briefly prefaced in the following

terms:

In the following Obfervations, I have taken that liberty of examining public meafares, which, happily for this kingdom, every perfon in it enjoys. They contain the fentiments of a private and unconnected man; for which, fhould there be any thing wrong in them, he alone is anfwerable.

After all that has been written on the difpute with America, no reader can expect to be informed, in this publication, of much that he has not before known. Perhaps, however, he may find in it fome new matter; and if he should, it will be chiefly in the Obfervations on the Nature of Civil Liberty, and the Policy of the War in America; and in the Appendix."

The preliminary obfervations on the nature of Liberty in general are introduced by the following remark, by way of apology for the Author, and to explain and avow his motives:

Our Colonies, fays Dr. Price, in NORTH AMERICA appear to be now determined to do and fuffer every thing, under the perfuafion, that GREAT BRITAIN is attempting to rob them of that Liberty to which every member of fociety, and all civil communities, have a natural and unalienable right. The queftion, therefore, whether this is a reasonable perfuafion, is highly interefting, and deferves the moft careful attention of every Englishman who values Liberty, and wishes to avoid ftaining himself with the guilt of invading it. But it is impoffible to judge properly of this question without correct ideas of Liberty in general; and of the nature, limits, and principles of Civil Liberty in particular.-The following obfervations on this fub

jea

jet appear to me important, as well as juft; and I cannot make myfelf eafy without offering them to the Public at the prefent period, big with events of the laft confequence to this kingdom. I do this with reluctance and pain, urged by ftrong feelings, but at the famé time checked by the confcioufnefs that I am likely to deliver fentiments not favourable to the prefent measures of that government, under which I live, and to which I am a conftant and zealous wellwither. Such, however, are my prefent fentiments and views, that this is a confideration of inferior moment with me; and, as I hope never to go beyond the bounds of decent difcution and expoftulation, I flatter myself, that I fhall be able to avoid giving any perfon just caufe of offence.'

The fection on the general nature of Liberty is fhort, but full, pertinent, and fatisfactory,-where the Reader's mind has not been perverted by the fordid notions and flavish maxims inculcated by the advocates for defpotifm. The Doctor fhews, that nothing can be of fo much confequence to us as LIBERTY. It is, fays he, the foundation of all honour, and the chief privilege and glory of our nature.'

Proceeding to treat of the principles of government, he infits that all civil government, as far as it can be denominated free, is the creature of the people. It originates with them. It is con ducted under their direction; and has in view nothing but their happiness. All its different forms are no more than fo many different modes in which they chufe to direct their affairs, and to fecure the quiet enjoyment of their rights.-In every free ftate every man is his own legislator.-All taxes are free-gifts for public fervices.→ All laws are particular provifions or regulations established by COMMON CONSENT for gaining protection and safety.-And all Mar giftrates are Trustees or Deputies for carrying these regulations into

execution.'

Our Author goes on to defcribe and define the nature of political Liberty; and to fhew wherein the true freedom of a flate confifts. In diftinguishing Liberty from Licentioufnefs, he has the following excellent obfervation:

'Licentioufnefs, fays he, and defpotifm are more nearly allied than is commonly imagined. They are both alike inconfiftent with liberty, and the true end of government; nor is there any other dif ference between them, than that the one is the licentioufnefs of great men, and the other the licentiousness of little men; or that, by the one, the perfons and property of a people are fubject to outrage and invafion from a King, or a lawless body of Grandees; and that, by the other, they are fubject to the like outrage from a lawless mob.-In avoiding one of these evils, mankind have often ran into the other. But all well-conftituted governments guard equally against both. Indeed of the two, the laft is, on feveral accounts, the leaft to be dreaded, and has done the least mischief.

Under this general term, he includes Phyfical, Moral, Religious, and Civil Liberty.

It may be truly faid, that if licentioufnefs has deftroyed its thoufands, defpotifm has deftroyed its millions. The former, having little power, and no fyllem to fupport it, neceffarily finds its own remedy; and a people foon get out of the tumult and anarchy attending it. But a defpotifm, wearing the form of government, and being armed with its force, is an evil not to be conquered without dreadful fruggles. It goes on from age to age, debafing the human faculties, levelling all diftinctions, and preying on the rights and bleffings of fociety.-It deferves to be added, that in a state disturbed by licentioufnefs, there is an animation which is favourable to the human mind, and which puts it upon exerting its powers. But in a ftate habituated to a defpotifm, all is ftill and torpid. A dark and favage tyranny flifies every effort of genius; and the mind lofes all its fpirit and dignity.'

It is impoffible for us, at prefent, to exhibit our Author's chain of reasoning, and to fhew the connexion and mutual dependence of the feveral links of which it confifts. This, indeed, would be the way in which we could moft fuccefsfully undertake to do any tolerable juftice to fo accurate and fyftematic a Writer; but all that we can pretend to accomplish within the narrow limits remaining to us, in this Month's Review, is to felect, as we have done, a few of thofe ftriking paffages which will beft admit of detachment, merely to fhew the manner and spirit of the ingenious Writer.

Having, in the first part, deduced, from one leading principle, a number of confequences which feem to him incapable of being difputed, Dr. P. obferves, in the general remarks introductory to Part II. (and he begs that it may be attended to) that he has chosen to try the great question in debate between this kingdom and the Colonies, by the general principles of Civil Liberty; and not by the practice of former times; or by the charters granted to the Colonies:

The arguments for them, fays he, drawn from thefe laft topics, appear to me greatly to outweigh the arguments against them. But I wish to have this queftion brought to a higher telt, and furer iffue. The queftion with all liberal inquirers ought to be, not what jurifdiction over them Precedents, Statutes, and Charters give, but what reafon and equity, and the rights of humanity give.--This is, in truth, a queftion which no kingdom has ever before had occafion to agitate. I he case of a free country branching itfelf out in the manner Britain has done, and fending to a diftant world colonies which have there, from fmall beginnings, and under free legislatures of their own, increased, and formed a body of powerful ftates, likely foon to become fuperior to the parent ftate-This is a cafe which is new in the history of mankind; and it is extremely improper to judge of it by the rules of any narrow and partial policy; or to confider it on any other ground than the general one of reason and justice.—

*Dr. Price is very much in the right, feeing that the iffue of this caufe is not to be tried in Westminfer-Hall.

Thofe

Those who will be candid enough to judge on this ground, and who can diveft themselves of national prejudices, will not, I fancy, remain long unfatisfied.But alas! Matters are gone too far. The difpute probably must be settled another way; and the sword alone, I am afraid, is now to determine what the rights of Britain and America are.--Shocking fituation!--Detefted be the measures which have brought us into it: and, if we are endeavouring to enforce injuftice, curfed will be the war.--A retreat, however, is not yet impracticable. The duty we owe our gracious fovereign obliges us to rely on his difpofition to ftay the fword, and to promote the happiness of all the different parts of the empire at the head of which he is placed. With fome hopes, therefore, that it may not be too late to reafon on this fubject, I will, in the following fections, inquire what the war with America is, in the following refpects. 1. In respect of Justice.

2. The Principles of the Conftitution.

3. In refpect of Policy and Humanity.

4. The Honour of the Kingdom.

And lastly, The probability of fucceeding in it.

(To be concluded in our next.)

MONTHLY CATALOGUE,

For FEBRUARY,

1776.

AMERICAN CONTROVERSY.

Art. 10. The Rights of Great Britain afferted against the Claims of America: being an Anfwer to the Declaration of the General Congrefs. 8vo. I S. 6 d. Cadell. 1776.

HIS celebrated performance is faid to have been written, printed, and liberally diftributed, both in Great Britain a1 America, at the inftance and expence of Government; but whether this be true or not, the work itself, we are afraid, wil anfwer no other purpose, than to exafperate the people of Great Britain against their brethren of America, and by inflammatory mifreprefentations and invectives, aggravate the evils of our prefent civil difcord.

The Author begins with defcribing the Colonists as men who breaking through every political duty, draw their fwords against the State, of which they own themfelves the fubjects;' and proceeds to fay, that the opinions of mankind are invariably opposed to fuch men. Their affertions are heard with diftruft, their arguments weighed with caution.'-But confidering how many of the inhabitants of this kingdom have been convinced by the affertions and arguments of the Colonists, we think this obfervation must be either not true, or that it must flrongly militate against the caufe which our Author would defend.

Having concluded his exordium, the Writer goes on to affert the doctrine of a fupreme unlimited power, exifting in the govern ment of every ftate: an abominable doctrine! which we have already fufficiently expofed; and which, wherever it is admitted, muft