matter brought into contact with the heated air. The heat communicated to the external furface of the body must, in the first place, be continually diminished by mere communication or diffufion, as in the cafe of a dead body of the fame bulk, denfity, &c. and, in the next place, this beat must be further diminished, in confequence of the circulation, or of the conftant and fucceffive arrival of the relatively cool mafs of circulating fluids, moving from the centre, or interior parts of the body, to the circumference. We have formerly fuggefted this idea, on giving an account of fome experiments of a fimilar kind, made by Meffrs. Du Hamel and Tillet; and published in the Memoirs of the Academy of Sciences at Paris for the year 1764; in the courfe of which a female falamander, breathed, during more than ten minutes, without complaint, the air in an oven heated more than 70 degrees above the heat of boiling water. For this account the Reader is referred to the Appendix to our 38th volume, page 578. It appears from the Author's experiments that even a body of fo fmall a bulk as a thermometer, brought into the heated room, had not acquired the real heat of the air by several degrees, in the space of 20 minutes, which was as long a time as any of thofe gentlemen remained in it. To form a rude eftimate of the quantum of refrigerating power poffeffed by a living body, independent of fimple communication, it might be worth while to try what quantity of heat would be acquired (or destroyed) by a mafs of fluid, or rather fluid and folid matter intermixed, equal in bulk to the human body, and frequently agitated, in order more nearly to imitate the diffufion produced in a living body, by means of the circulation. Hence, we should imagine, fome conjectures might be formed how much of the abovementioned refrigerating power is to be afcribed to the vital energy in living animals. Article 13. The fuppofed Effects of boiling upon Water, in difpofing it to freeze more readily, afcertained by Experiments. By Jofeph Black, M. D. Profeffor of Chemistry at Edinburgh, &c. Two facts appear to be ascertained by the experiments and obfervations related in this article ;-firft, that water which has been boiled fome time will, cæteris paribus, freeze fooner than water which has not been boiled; and fecondly, that a flight difturbance of the fluid difpofes it to freeze more fpeedily. This laft circumftance led the Author to the difcovery of the caufe which, in his opinion, accelerates the freezing of boiled water. The difference he fuppofes to proceed from hence;-that water, which has been boiled, has loft the air naturally contained in it; and which, on exposure to the atmosphere, it begins to attract and abforb. During this procefs process of abforption, which probably continues a confiderable time, a motion is neceffarily produced among its particles, flight indeed and imperceptible, but, probably fufficient to, accelerate its congelation. In unboiled water, this difturb-. ing caufe does not exift. We recollect on this occafion an obfervation made by M. Baumé, applicable to the present subject, and which is relalative to the chryftallization of falts. After obferving, in confequence of M. de Mairan's and his own experience, the fingular circumftance of water bearing a degree of cold ten degrees below the freezing point, without being congealed, if it be kept perfectly at reft; he afferts that though a confiderable degree of motion deranges the order and configuration of the chryftals of a falt, yet a flight and almoft imperceptible motion is abfolutely neceffary in the process of chryftallization. He has filled bottles with faturated folutions of falts, which ought to have chryftallized on cooling, but which have ftood four days without furnishing the leaft appearance of chryftals, because the fluid was kept in a ftate of perfect reft: but on the flightest degree of motion given to the veffels, chrystals have been immediately produced; and, which is remarkable, they were regular and well formed, though their production was fo rapid, and nearly inftantaneous*. . We need only to fpecify the fubjects or titles of the remaining articles. In the third is contained an Enquiry to fhew what were the antient English Weight and Meafure, according to the Laws and Statutes prior to the Reign of Henry the Seventh; by Henry Norris, Efq;' In the 7th article is given the defcription of a new Dipping Needle, by Mr. J. Lorimer, of Penfacola, the conftruction of which is not very intelligibly described, through the want of a drawing. -The 14th article contains the refults of fome experiments on the Dipping Needle, made by Mr. Thomas Hutchins, at the defire of the Royal Society, in the year 1774, in the fles of Orkney, and different parts of Hudfon's Bay. In the 8th article Dr. Haygarth gives the Bill of Mortality in the city of Chefter, for the year 1773, with a few obfervations upon it relative to the probabilities of life:and in the 15th and laft article is given a Meteorological Journal for the year 1774, kept at the Royal Society's houfe, by order of the prefident and council. Annexed to this jour nal is an account of fome observations on the variation of the Magnetic Needle, during the months of Auguft and September 1774, from the mean of which it appears that the variation was at that time 21 degrees 16 minutes west. * Chymie Experimentale & Raifonnée, Tome 2d. p. 207, &c. ART. V. Conclufion of the Account of Macpherson's Hiftory of Grege Britain. See Review for July last. TH HE circumftance, which, from the time of the Revolution to the death of queen Anne, particularly diftinguishes Mr. Macpherson's Hiftory, from other hiftories of the fame period, is the minute account given of the fecret intrigues of many of the principal perfons of this country, with the exiled James, and his fon; and the latter part of the work is ftill farther enriched from the correspondence which was carried on with the house of Hanover. Though we by no means afford that entire credit to the affertions of the agents for the Stuart family, which feems to have been given by our Author, yet we readily admit the fact; nor are we at all furprifed, that a confiderable number of men of rank fhould make profeffions of attachment to the excluded prince. Several of them, undoubtedly, did it from real, though mistaken, principle: others, who were diffatisfied with king William's conduct, might believe that James would be glad to receive his crown again, upon terms wholly favourable to the liberty of the fubject. This was probably the cafe with regard to admiral Ruffel; if he was fincere in bis engagements, which may justly be queftioned. Others, again, though really preferring the new establishment, might be willing to provide for the fecurity of their eftates and perfons, in the event of a change. The Jacobite party was fo numerous and powerful, that no one could tell how foon the fyftem of the Revolution might be overturned; and, therefore, we cannot wonder that the great, who are usually more anxious for their honours and fortunes than for the public good, fhould wish to be fafe, whatever alterations might happen. If all who, in this hiftory, are reprefented as declaring their attachment to James, had been in earneft, it is strange that William was not dethroned. We, nevertheless, find, that in any critical emergencies, the body of the people, the two houfes of parliament, and even feveral of the men who are defcribed as caballing with the court of St. Germains, concurred in fupporting the government established by law. In relating the events of the year 1693, Mr. Macpherson gives the following defcription of the zeal of a great part of the nation, for the restoration of king James: Though James depended much upon the zeal of admiral Ruf fel, he derived fill greater hopes from the marquis of Caermarthen. Though that lord was in part prime minifter to William, he had entered into the most folemn engagements with the late king. He had promifed to gain to his intereft the county of Rev. Jan. 1776. D York, York, of which he was lord-lieutenant; to furrender to him the citadel of Hull, of which he was governor. The want of fuccefs by land, the difgraces at fea, the unpopularity and forbidding manner of William, his bad ftate of health, which promised no permanency to the fabric which he had reared, difappointments in fome, a return of their former principles in others, the difcontents and even levity of all, had increased, to a furprifing degree, the party of the abdicated king. The Whigs were equally forward with the Tories; and more dangerous, as they were more refolute in their political views. In the lift of noble correfpondents with the court of St. Germains, the two parties were blended with one another, in the prefent year. James had received the most folemn affurances from four dukes, four marquifes, twenty earls, four viscounts, eleven barons, befide the Roman Catholics, in every degree of nobility. The whole body of the non-juring clergy, confifting of fix bifhops, and fix hundred minifters, and four fifths of those who had had taken the oaths, were ready to join the late king, to preach in favour of his authority, to convince the people that the Proteftant religion was in no danger. The cities of Bristol and Exeter in the west, and in the north the town of Boston, had fignified their loyalty to James, through their refpective leaders. The earl of Yarmouth, in the name of feventeen baronets, and one hundred and thirty gentlemen, promifed for the county of Norfolk. The gentlemen of Effex affured the late king, that they would join him with a body of cavalry, at a proper time. The earl of Litchfield promifed for the county and city of Oxford. The earl of Lindsey for the county of Lincoln. Sir John Friend anfwered for a regiment of cavalry and two of militia, with which he hoped to poffefs himself of the Tower. Colonel Selwin promised for Tilbury fort and a regiment of infantry; Lieutenant-colonel Row for his own regiment, Colonel Greenville for that of his uncle the Earl of Bath. Crawford, governor of Sheerness, undertook to deliver that fort to James. The marquis of Caermarthen, then prefident of the council, promised for Hull. The private foldiers, in fome regiments, had formed affociations for the late king. One hundred troopers of the royal regiment of cavalry acquainted him, that they had fufficient credit with their companions, to bring back the whole to their former allegiance. They even folemnly undertook to cut the throats' of fuch of their comrades and officers, as fhould dare to oppose their defign. In the north of England, seven · regiments of cavalry and dragoons were privately lifted, under officers, bearing commiffions from the late king. It is remarkable, that those who had been the most violent enemies of James when he was on the throne, were his moft zealous friends in his diftrefs. The county of Somerfet, the feat of Monmouth's rebellion and Jefferys's cruelties, was now ready to receive him with open arms. The town of Taunton itself, that had fuffered fo much eight years before, for oppofing James, expreffed the greatest affection for his perfon and the warmest zeal for his restoration. The legal feverities of the year 1685 muft, therefore, have been exaggerated; or the people acquitted the king of the ri gorous gorous conduct of his fervants. The lord Powlet, and the majo rity of the gentlemen of the county, together with the citizens of Taunton, folemnly engaged themfelves to James, to rife in his caufe. Even individuals were as unfteady to their former principles, as bodies of men. The famous Ferguson, who had uniformly abetted the oppofition to the late king, till he loft his throne, employed, at this time, all the vehemence of his active spirit in his caufe. He requested, he even implored him to invade the kingdom. To teftify his own zeal, to encourage James with a certainty of his fuccefs, he proposed to deliver himself up in France to be punished with death, fhould the enterprise fail. Some of the clergy, who had moft oppofed james, ran fo violently into the other extreme, that they were determined to form themselves into a company of volunteers, to ferve in the regiment commanded by Sir John Friend. The zeal of the clergy proceeded from their high principles in favour of monarchy. But to what principle can be afcribed, the relentings of the earl of Sunderland? That nobleman, who had hurried James into his worst measures, to accomplish his rain, endeavoured, by the like conduct, to place him again on the throne. William having diftinguished Sunderland with his favour, for former fervices, furnished that lord, a fecond time, with an opportunity to betray. Having, with his ufual addrefs, convinced the adherents of king James of the fincerity of his repentance, he wrote a letter full of contrition for his past conduct to that prince. He told him, that a defcent, with a competent force, was the only means of finishing the misfortunes of the king, and the miferies of the nation. He informed him, that from the ftate of the kingdom, an invafion could not fail of fuccefs. He declined to enter into particulars, because he was afraid his majefty did not confide fufficiently in his advice. But when he should be affured that the king was fatisfied with his fidelity, he promised to fend the best intelligence; and to contribute all in his power to his fervice. The earl of Arran vouched for the fincerity of Sunderland. The earl of Marlborough pleaded in his favour. But James had felt fo much from his treachery before, that even his purfuing the natural bias of his mind, with regard to William, could not convince him, for fome time, that Sunderland was fincere.' On diligently comparing the preceding account, with the papers on the authority of which it is founded, we think our Hiftorian has laid a greater ftrefs upon them than the matter will bear. The four dukes, four marquifes, twenty carls, four viscounts, and eleven barons, from whom James is here represented as having received the moft folemn affurances,' are only mentioned, in general, by one of the agents of that prince, as being for him.' Thefe folemn affurances,' with regard to the greater part of the nobility specified, do not at all appear; and even the writer himself, who drew up fo flattering a view of the concurrence of the English in favour of his mafter, is obliged to acknowledge, that "it is true, there ་ D 2 |