chants, together with those of Porto Rico, collected by subscription a very large sum of money, and sent it by secret emissaries to the French capital for the purpose of buying over the demagogues of the press and the Chambers, to get up, if possible, a national agitation against the Right of Search. These public-spirited efforts quickly excited emulation among congenial minds in France. The slave-merchants of Nantes and Bordeaux, and of every port in the kingdom, felt the most earnest sympathy with the gentlemen of the Spanish West Indies, and by their contributions greatly enriched the fund destined to purchase logic and eloquence in the Parisian market, where both greatly abound, and are generally venal.

carry them away captive, and make them a single rush for popularity out of doors. servants of servants, till the whole detesta- For M. Guizot is not one of those who enble race was extinguished. Let America tertain any partiality towards the people, bear this fact in mind; far as she lies from or who would even take a single step to the great seats of civilization, punishment purchase their good opinion or co-operation, will sooner or later reach her. Providence so long as it might be possible to do withhas a long arm, and chastisement may come out it. But society is made up of shifting when she least expects it and is least pre-materials in France, and M. Guizot soon pared to ward off its consequences. And found that he could not afford to affect the what we say to America, we say to all stoic and despise popularity. He beheld those who aid and abet her in her crimes, forming in Paris, and throughout the kingwho, for money, or place, or authority, af- dom, a secret association, having for its obford facilities to the miscreants that prowl ject the maintenance of slavery. The about the African coast to kidnap the ig-germ of this infamous society is said to norant and helpless natives, and consign have been imported from Cuba, whose merthem to hopeless slavery in a distant part of the world, or to death in its most cruel or revolting form on the middle passage. In this guilt our Tory rulers have largely participated. We have proved, that, in the autumn of 1841, they might easily have obtained from France the ratification of the Right of Search treaty which would have compelled her to co-operate with us in putting down the infamous traffic. Bu they voluntarily allowed the opportunity to slip by. Their friends and protégés across the Channel would not at the moment referred to have refused them any thing, because M. Guizot had not yet made the discovery, that more was to be gained by playing into the hands of the United States, than by acting honorably towards Great Britain, and keeping the faith which he had pledged. By these means a violent storm was soon M. Guizot when he first came to office, raised against the ministers, still supposed finding the Conversative party in great to be swayed by British influence, synonystrength, and generally disposed to promote mous in the case under consideration with a good understanding with England, con- the influence of virtue and morality. The tinued to take the same views on the Right hirelings of the press, and the hirelings of of Search as he had been in the habit of af- the Chambers, vied with each other in fecting for some years, regarding this step tempestuous patriotism. People on this as calculated to strengthen him in his posi- side of the Channel, not at all suspecting the tion. M. Thiers had fallen through the source of the inspiration, wondered at the prevalence of English influence. He had prodigious hatred which the mint-masters paid the penalty of seeking to bring about of public opinion in France had suddenly a rupture between the two countries. M. conceived for us. Every day our pride, Guizot understood this, and shaped his own our ambition and our perfidy were celebracourse accordingly. He systematically ted in a hundred journals, while the Chamseparated himself from all the partisans of bers rang with a succession of furious war, and studied with the greatest assiduity speeches all equally complimentary to our to discover fresh grounds upon which the character. It seemed that a moral epideminterests of the two countries might approx-ic had seized upon the inhabitants of imate and coalesce. At first he was ena-France. And this was actually the case; bled to avail himself of this element of for although the originators of the disease strength without sacrificing any other. introduced it, as smugglers do contraband That is to say, he could exhibit his leaning goods, for gain, the infection was soon towards England without diminishing his transmuted out of an artificial into a real support in the Chambers, and so long as one, and spread through the population this continued to be the case, he cared not more rapidly than the plague virus. To

They dwelt upon the insult offered to the flag of France by the British cruiser, when it boarded a merchant-vessel, and insisted upon overhauling its papers; but they omitted to state, that French cruisers stationed upon the same coast, were empowered to exercise precisely the same right over English merchant-vessels. It is surprising that this privilege, so flattering to their vanity, did not reconcile them to the whole system. It was, perhaps, the first time that French officers had enjoyed the

interior of British ships. But neither this nor any thing else could blind them to the fact of our overwhelming maritime superiority, from the acknowledgment of which they sought to escape, by resisting the Right of Search.

understand the practicability of such a pro- Upon a people possessed by such a percess, it is necessary to have had some expe- suasion, the declamation of General Cass, rience of the French people, to have studied and the other advocates of the slave-trade, them, not in Paris only, but in the provin- could scarcely fail to produce a powerful ces, and ascertained how few are the ideas, effect. They did not at all investigate the how crude and vapory the opinions, how subject of the Right of Search, but tricked lax, uncertain, and vacillating the princi- up a one-sided view of it, addressed to the ples of which they are possessed. There ignorance and prejudices of the French. is probably in the world no community so mobile as that of France. An insatiable thirst for novelty torments every single member of it, and urges him to wander in every direction in which he fancies its excitement may be found. Being ignorant of the good or evil that may exist in the character of neighboring nations, he is eternally forming a wrong estimate of them, sometimes exalting and loving them beyond measure, and presently, without rhyme or reason, veering round and hating them with equal intensity. But chief of opportunity of visiting and examining the all, the Frenchman hates the English, for this among other reasons, that he is conscious of their superiority, of their steadiness, of their industry, of their rectitude, and of the superior influence which they consequently exercise upon the councils of foreign states, and the preferences of foreign nations. In illustration of this truth we may relate an anecdote, which, though it may lose much of its point from the suppression of names, will yet be felt to be characteristic. A statesman now living and enjoying a great reputation for sagacity, on one occasion, while minister, applied himself to prevent our concluding a commercial treaty with a neighboring state. The British government on hearing of have resigned, rather than have encounthese intrigues, directed our ambassador tered the opprobrium with which such an formally to complain of them. It was ex- act must forever cover his name. The Duc pected that he would rebut the charge, or de Broglie, Dr. Lushington's coadjutor in seek to escape from it by some convenient the mixed commission, has very properly subterfuge. Not at all. He frankly ac- characterized the conduct of the Chamber, knowledged what he had done, and said in the whole of the discussion on this subthat in justice to his own countrymen he ject, by describing it as at once frivolous must on all occasions continue to do the and cowardly. He says, 'it was bold to same. 'For,' said he, with the most charm make use of its power, because no responing naïveté, though it may be stipulated sibility was attached to it, while it yet abby treaty that your merchants are to be surdly sought to impose responsibility upon placed on a footing of equality with those of the minister whom it deprived of power.' other nations, that equality would exist only He forgot to add, that a ministry which reupon paper; because, such is your capital, tains office under such circumstances, is perseverance, and enterprise, that you inva- still baser than the Chamber which seeks riably beat your rivals out of the field!' Our to place it in a situation so dishonorable. minister felt the compliment, which experi- Reasoning from occurrences like these, ence had convinced him was well deserved. we might be disposed to regard a French But he did not the less on that account won-minister in the light of a mere parliamentder at the simplicity of the statesman, who, ary reporter. He does not receive from in the conduct of public affairs, could be so the legislature the power to act according candid.

To the popular clamor thus raised, M. Guizot yielded, and refused to ratify the treaty, which, with his sanction, and by his own direction, the French ambassador had signed in London. A more disgraceful proceeding than this, it would be difficult to mention. M. Guizot may, no doubt, plead in mitigation the opinion of the Chamber and the clamors of the people. But the apology will not avail him. He should

to the best of his own judgment, but accepts own ease and convenience at the expense office as a sort of delegate of the Chambers. of the public interest; and should have reWhoever is acquainted, however, with the collected, moreover, that of all Tory minispractice of constitutional governments, must ters that exist, or have ever existed, Lord know, that although parliament determines Aberdeen is the one of whom this is most who shall be minister, and how long he emphatically true. In saying this, we are shall remain in office, it does not imperi- actuated by no personal hostility to his lordously prescribe to him the policy he shall ship. He is, we dare say, a very pleasant pursue while at the head of public affairs. person, very affable, very obliging, and very But there is no extremity of humiliation to much addicted to long explanations, more which M. Guizot and his friends will not especially when desirous to exculpate himsubmit, in order to retain the show of power, self. All this betokens great inherent amithe mere trappings of authority, without ability, because it can only arise from a the reality. Still, even he considered that wish to afford pleasure to all around him. it was necessary to move cautiously in the Still, Lord Aberdeen is an extremely bad retrograde career upon which he and his foreign minister, who introduces into the countrymen had entered. For, when the grave transactions of state the little, frivoladvocates of the slave-trade, having pre- ous courtesies of common life, and sacrivented the ratification of the treaty of 1841, fices a national interest, or even a great proceeded to insist, also, upon the abroga- principle, in order to avoid wounding the tion of the treaties of 1831 and 1833, M. feelings of an individual. It will be seen Guizot declined to proceed so far in the that we are disposed to place the most first instance. He said, it was a rule of charitable construction on his foreign polidiplomacy never to make to any for- cy, in consideration of which, the reader eign state a demand which you are sure it should give us credit for being actuated by will refuse to grant. In the case under none but public motives, when we feel ourconsideration he maintained, that to do so selves called upon to speak with peculiar would be an act of weakness, or of mad- harshness of any of Lord Aberdeen's proness; of weakness, if, having made the de- ceedings. mand, France were afterwards to omit insisting upon it at all hazards; and of madness, if she should so insist, and thus involve herself in a disgraceful and disastrous war But, as M. Larcy once observed in the Chamber of Deputies, the French foreign minister has at his command doctrines suited to all occasions. He is not one of profess a preference of peace before war. those statesmen who tower above events and circumstances, and impart to them a character snatched, as it were, from his own idiosyncrasies; but rather receives from the occurrences of the day, the principles he shall profess and the exposition he shall give of them.

When M. Guizot made his famous declaration about the weakness or madness of proposing to Great Britain the abrogation of the treaties above referred to, he overlooked one thing, which should by all means have been taken into account; that is, he overlooked the fact, that it was Lord Aberdeen, and not Lord Palmerston, to whose guardianship the external relations of the British empire were intrusted. This display of want of judgment is surprising, even in M. Guizot. Being a Tory himself, he should have known better of what stuff a Tory minister is made, should have known that his ruling passion is to provide for his

Having premised thus much, we proceed to speak of the act by which M. Guizot was delivered from his greatest difficulties, we mean that infamous treaty known throughout Europe as the Ashburton Capitulation. It is altogether unnecessary for us, or for any other man in his senses, to

Every body must do so. The universal dictates of humanity and common sense determine invincibly to such a preference. Nevertheless, it is quite possible for nations to be so circumstanced, that the prolongation of peace instead of being a blessing must prove a curse to them, because it must diminish their honor. And let no one think that the honor of states is an empty sound. It is far otherwise. What is meant by the honor of states is simply their reputation for uprightness, for good faith, for inflexible adherence to principles, for unflinching firmness in keeping their engagements, for a high and chivalrous devotion to what they esteem to be their paramount duties. And what duty can be more binding than that which we owe to humanity? Yet, by the odious Ashburton Capitulation, on behalf and with the approbation of his colleagues, Lord Aberdeen not only broke faith with a portion of our Canadian sub

jects, who were delivered over to a govern- take an enterprise which he had so recently ment which they detested, but yielded to characterized as an act of extreme weakthe menaces of the United States the first ness or madness. relaxation of a principle, by a conscientious In justice even to him, however, we must devotion to which Great Britain has acquir- review all the influences to which he suced her greatest glory. But what renders cumbed, partly, perhaps, as we have already this sacrifice most inexcusable is the fact, said, of his own creating, but partly also that it was not called for. We might surely, accidental. In the case of administrations had we so pleased have made a present of constructed upon certain principles, we find important territories to the United States, ourselves compelled to adopt the reverse without making any reference to the sup- of a well-known maxim, that union is pression of the slave-trade. There was no strength; for the union of two feeble cabinecessary connexion between the subjects, nets appears only to generate additional neither could the coupling together of weakness in each. Thus, the Peel cabinet things so heterogeneous be excused, on the exposes itself to contempt by the vain ef ground that it proceeded from a resolution forts it makes to support M. Guizot in to remove at once all causes of dissatisfac- office; while the Guizot cabinet, laying tion between the two countries, because the hold of Lord Aberdeen, only finds itself beOregon boundary having been left unde- numbed by the touch of the torpedo. To termined, the chance of collision remained be convinced of this, let the reader reflect as imminent as ever. We are at a loss, for a moment on the wonderful proceedings therefore, to divine why Lord Ashburton of these two ministries. M. Guizot, after was sent to America, unless, we suppose, having pitifully given way in the affair of that the Tories desired to put on the ap- the treaty of 1841, thought himself entitled, pearance of doing something, though that on the ground of that concession, firmly to something should be prolific of the most take his stand on the two previous treaties, grievous mischiefs in all time to come. and of course expected, that his English However, we have to do just now with one friends would be careful to do nothing that phasis only of this pernicious act, the aban- should have the effect of weakening his podonment of the Right of Search,in deference sition. Without being at all hostile to neto the United States. That the capitulator gro slavery, he may have desired to pause felt ashamed of what he was doing is mani- somewhere in his concessions to the slavefest from the language of those articles in traders, through fear of hazarding his own the treaty which constitute the monument weak government, by bringing France into of his guilt. It is evident, that every word collision with Great Britain. But what was conceived and brought forth in shame, did the Tories do? Did they act so as to and that the deepest possible sense of hu- strengthen his hands? Was their policy miliation accompanied the signing of the calculated to create in the mind of the convention. We are as sure of this as if French people the opinion that England we had been among the most intimate of would go to war rather than relinquish any Lord Ashburton's friends at the time; be- of the concessions in favor of humanity, cause it is wholly impossible that an Eng-which she had wrung from other Christian lish gentleman should have put his hand to powers? Far from it. While their Hu such a document without being conscious that he was signing the death-warrant of his own fame. With another celebrated delinquent, therefore, who may only be more distinguished, because he acted on a vaster theatre, it is probable that secretly, in the depths of his heart, he must have murmured, while he consummated his country's shame and his own :-Quam vellem nescire litteras. To that, however, we have nothing to say. It is Lord Ashburton's affair and let him see to it. We have only adverted to this treaty at ail, in order to show how opportunely it was concluded to relieve M. Guizot from his most pressing difficulties, and gave him courage to under

guenot protégé was surrounded by the most tumultuous sea of intrigue and clamor, they concluded with the United States a conven tion calculated to multiply his difficulties ten-fold, by proving practically the correct ness of the notion, that by insolence and perseverance Great Britain might be bullied into a course which, in her heart, she vehe mently reprobated. By this proceeding, M. Guizot was deprived of the pretext, that he was withheld from insisting on the abro gation of the treaties of 1831 and 1833, by the conviction that England would rather go to war than yield. It does not signify a tittle in the present discussion, what were M. Guizot's own secret leanings! As we have

prosecution of it by the appearance of things around him, which sometimes propelled him towards the English Alliance;

tion, and at length left him in a state of deplorable incertitude, from which he can only be delivered by retirement from office. But how his embarrassments sprang up and became complicated around him, it may be worth while to inquire. As far back as the beginning of 1842, and in the course of the very discussions which M. Guizot affected to regard as justificatory of his bad faith in refusing to ratify the treaty he had signed, a notorious Louis Philippiste and supporter of the Guizot cabinet, already adverted to the necessity which he maintained France was under of retracing her steps, and completely emancipating her flag from the surveillance of Great Britain. In other words, he contended not merely that the minister ought not to ratify the treaty of 1841, but that he should at once open negotiations for annulling those of 1831 and 1833. In concluding a long speech, he proposed an amendment to this effect, which was carried by a large majority. But did Monsieur Guizot acquiesce in

already observed repeatedly, we think he had none, but was ready to adopt and contend for any thing which appeared to promise duration to his ministry. It would, sometimes hurried him in a different direchowever, be paying him too high a compliment to affirm that his selfishness was enlightened, and that he generally foresaw what course it would be best for his own purpose to pursue. Our opinion is, that he fluctuated incessantly, that he was for the Right of Search when it seemed to bode him any good, and that he was against it when the contrary seemed to be the case. The same remark will apply to all his apparent partialities. From this anarchical state of his mind it must result, that all who attempt to follow his career will be betrayed into apparent contradictions. They will represent him as playing different games, as willing different things, as swayed by different preferences. The fault, however, lies not in them but in him. He has all his life been a man of expediency, a man of shifts, a man who never could formularize his politics into a creed, and say what he believed and what he disbelieved. The fact is, that his creed has never contained more than one article, namely, that it is desirable for M. Guizot's own sake the policy thus recommended by the Chamthat he should be minister of France. No other view of the man's character will enable us to comprehend his actions, but this makes every thing clear. For example, we have asserted above, that M. Guizot has all along been hostile to the Right of Search; that he encouraged the agitation got up against it in France; that he even wrote the pamphlet published by General Cass, which tended more than any thing else to rouse the jealousy and national prejudi- Besides, the system, he contended, ces of his countrymen. We have also said, against which the Chamber declaimed that the Ashburton Capitulation occurred in- with so much violence, worked well, both opportunely, and might be reckoned among answering the purpose for which it was the hostile influences with which he had established-namely, the obstruction of the to struggle. But how do we reconcile these slave-trade-and allowing the greatest posstatements? Simply by showing, that M. sible freedom to legitimate commerce, Guizot desired at once to remain on good since during ten years, only one abuse terms with England, and to be popular in worth mentioning, had occurred. This France; that to promote the former pur- was intended as a sop for England. It is pose he was ostensibly favorable to the in displays of this kind, that M. Guizot Right of Search, and that to promote the chiefly exhibits ability, when illustrating latter he was determined to abandon it, the truth proclaimed by M. Larcy, that he not, however, as of his own will, but in obe- has ready cut and dried doctrines for all dience to a pressure from without, which occasions. He has not studied ethics for the English cabinet itself should recognize nothing; but, when opportunity serves, as amounting to a necessity. can cull from the moral repertory of his memory, dignified sentiments to be put forward in pompous and sounding phrases, well calculated to elicit admiration from

This was the difficult game which M. Guizot determined from the outset to play, though he was frequently deterred from the

bers? As we have already seen, he did not. But what were his reasons? that the faith of France was pledged? that the interests of humanity were at stake? no such thing. He placed the question on the lowest level possible, and dwelt simply on the absurdity or the danger of pressing such a proposition upon England. He insinuated, moreover, that the time was not yet come for taking such a step.