tration must be conducted in harmony with the recognition of the founded on irrepressible conflict between the capitalist class and the working the class struggle, · and non class. character. It should be established as the economic organization of the work- political in ing class, without affiliation with any political party. . . . 80. The I.W.W. declare war upon capitalism 1 constitution. In answer to the call for a convention to organize the Industrial The I.W.W. Workers of the World, a number of anarchists, socialists, and radical adopt a trade unionists assembled in Chicago in the summer of 1905. This convention adopted a constitution and formally announced its intentions toward capitalism. These principles are stated in the preamble to the constitution of the I. W. W. in the following language: The working class and the employing class have nothing in com- The preammon. There can be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among millions of working people and the few, who make up the employing class, have all the good things of life. Between these two classes a struggle must go on until the workers of the world organize as a class, take possession of the earth and the machinery of production, and abolish the wage system. ble declares for class war. enemy of the working man. We find that the centering of the management of industries into The trade fewer and fewer hands makes the trade unions unable to cope with union an the ever growing power of the employing class. The trade unions foster a state of affairs which allows one set of workers to be pitted against another set of workers in the same industry, thereby helping defeat one another in wage wars. Moreover, the trade unions aid the employing class to mislead the workers into the belief that the working class have interests in common with their employers. These conditions can be changed and the interest of the working class upheld only by an organization formed in such a way that all its members in any one industry, or in all industries, if necessary, cease work whenever a strike or lockout is on in any department thereof, thus making an injury to one an injury to all. Instead of the conservative motto, "A fair day's wages for a fair 1 From the Industrial Workers of the World, "Preamble to the Constitution. Chicago, 1905. The general strike favored. The watch day's work," we must inscribe on our banner the revolutionary word of the watchword, "Abolition of the wage system." I.W.W. The mission of the working class. It is the historic mission of the working class to do away with capitalism. The army of production must be organized, not only for the every-day struggle with capitalists, but also to carry on production when capitalism shall have been overthrown. By organizing industrially we are forming the structure of the new society within the shell of the old. . . . The Com- One of the Communist predicts chaos as a result of the class struggle, In addition to the I. W. W., there have existed in this country, generally for a short period only, other groups of industrial revolutionists. In 1919, for example, a group of radicals met in Chicago and organized the Communist Party. This group had much in common with the I. W. W., and openly approved some of the avowed methods of the latter organization. One of the organizers of the Communist Party, Dr. Maximilian Cohen, was examined in 1919 before the New York Joint Legislative Committee Investigating Seditious Activities. Dr. Cohen declared before this Committee that "the agricultural workers would organize and immediately take over the factory or the dairy just as they would take over an industry or a store or anything else." Being further questioned, he replied as follows: Q. Instead of delivering it and selling it, they would deliver it to you people? A. Yes, exactly, to the strike committee, as they did in Seattle, and recently in Belfast. The strikers had enough organizing ability to see that the people did get that minimum amount necessary. Q. You mean to assume the government to the exclusion of the elected representatives? A. We are not interested at all in what Congress would do. . . . If capitalism is, as we believe it, on the verge of a breakdown in all countries, which brings with it a greater and greater discontent and a growing class consciousness among the unskilled workers, who are in the vast majority, and they will organize 1 From the New York Joint Legislative Committee Investigating Seditious Activities, Report. Albany, 1920. Vol. 1, pp. 876-881. and listen to our propaganda, the time must necessarily come when Q. But if there is any resistance? A. Well, you will show the re- and defends sistance, we will not; you will fight to retain power and the workers will fight to wrest it away from you. What you are trying to get from me is an admission that force will be necessary. 66 mass action." Q. No, no; if you have any other way to do it, we would like to know your idea. A. The question of force does not rest with us. We base our philosophy on life itself Q. What do you mean by social revolution? A. Social revolution He defines means the overthrow of the existing system. -mass action. . . . Q. In what way? . . . A. Well, let us see, in Russia they made a raid on the of course, they abolished all the constituent assemblies but they raided the offices of the powers that be, and installed themselves, and immediately organized Red Guards to protect themselves in their newly found power. Q. And you would approve of that method? A. Unquestionably. and sanctions the social revolution. Q. And you expect to take all the institutions and all of the property The present of the capitalists? A. Communize it, nationalize it, immediately. Q. Well, you mean take it away from the present owners and do what you please with it? A. Yes. . . Q. I certainly want to say that I want to express my personal respect for your frankness. A. I must be frank or be untrue to my principles. They are universal so far as those who hold those beliefs are concerned. If I were to get on the stand and say that I don't believe in a class war and in overthrowing the capitalist government, I would be lying. Q. Do you mean by that, ["capitalist system" or "capitalist government"], our present form of government as now constituted? A. Exactly. Q. That is a capitalistic government? A. Yes. owners of property to be dispossessed. He seeks the over throw of the government of the United Q. And when you say that you want to abolish the capitalist States. Scope of the term sabotage. Vincent How the 1. W. W. use the strike and sabotage. government, you mean the United States government? A. I mean the United States government in so far as the term applies to this country. If we are carrying on revolutionary propaganda in this country, we mean the overthrow of the United States govern 82. The nature and purpose of sabotage1 One of the chief weapons of the I. W. W. and of other groups of revolutionary unionists, is that of sabotage. This term is variously employed, being used to describe any sort of deliberate action on the part of workmen which results in the destruction of the employer's property. Owing to the frankness of I. W. W. leaders and sympathizers, it is possible to get a clear idea of the nature and purpose of sabotage as understood and applied by this type of socialist. In the following extract from the Report of the New York Joint Legislative Committee Investigating Seditious Activities, sabotage is explained and illustrated: The frankest statement of the tactics and methods employed by the I. W. W. is to be found in the pamphlet of Vincent St. John, from which . . . we quote the following: "As a revolutionary organization the Industrial Workers of the World aims to use any and all tactics that will get the results sought with the least expenditure of time and energy. The tactics used are determined solely by the power of the organization to make good in their use. The question of 'right' or 'wrong' does not concern us. "No terms made with an employer are final. All peace so long as the wage system lasts is but an armed truce. At any favorable opportunity the struggle for more control of industry is renewed. No part of the organization is allowed to enter into time contracts with the employers. Where strikes are used, it aims to paralyze all branches of the industry involved, when employers can least afford a cessation of work during the busy season and when there are rush orders to be filled. . . . Failing to force concessions from the employers by the strike, work is resumed and 'sabotage' is used to force employers to concede the demands of the workers. . . ." ... 1 From the New York Joint Legislative Committee Investigating Seditious Activities, Report. Albany, 1920. Vol. 1, pp. 887-889. described. It will be noted that the employment of sabotage is here frankly advocated. This term, (which though comparatively new, has become familiar), is somewhat hard to define. In attempting to define the word at the convention of the Socialist Party of America held in Indianapolis in May, 1912, Delegate Slaydon said as follows: "Sabotage as it prevails to-day means interfering with the ma- Sabotage chinery of production without going on strike. It means to strike but stay on the payroll. It means that instead of leaving the machine the workers will stay at the machine and turn out poor work, slow down their work and in every other way that may be practicable interfere with the profits of the boss, and interfere to such extent that the boss will have to come around and ask, 'What is wrong? What can I do to satisfy you people?' Sabotage is described rather than defined by Robert Hunter in his book entitled Violence and the Labor Movement . . . as follows: "If a strike is lost, and the workmen return only to break the The scope machines, spoil the products, and generally disorganize a factory, of sabotage. they are saboteurs. The idea of sabotage is that any dissatisfied workmen shall undertake to break the machine in order to render the conduct of industry unprofitable, if not actually impossible. It may range all the way from machine obstruction or destruction to dynamiting, train-wrecking, and arson." ... 83. Excerpts from the I. W. W. press1 The threefold object of the press. Propaganda by means of the printed page is one of the weapons of the I. W. W. Nothing more clearly illustrates the character of the movement than the I. W. W. press, the threefold object of I. W. W. which is to hearten the members of the organization, to win converts to I. W. W. doctrines, and to threaten or defy those whom they regard as their enemies. The following excerpts from various I. W. W. publications are typical: From the New Solidarity, Chicago, November 15, 1919. "The oppressors are going mad, they feel the crash of the whole system of privilege and they do not know what they do. They are 1 From the New Solidarity, Chicago, November, 1919; and The One Big Union Monthly, Chicago, June, August and November, 1919. Capitalism demoralized. |