the dscussion of any doubtful powers, but is the simple proposition to amend the Constitution of the United States in the manner prescribed by that sacred instrument, so as to strike down the monster institution which has embroiled the government for half a century, and culminated in the most wicked, uncalled for and bloody war known to the history of the civilized world.

Slavery, secured to the people of the south more permanently by the Constitution of the United States, and the laws enacted in pursuance thereof, than any species of property claimed by them-not even excepting their lands-will now perish by the war it brought about to enlarge its power and perpetuate its existence. Let us do our part in this great work by ratifying the action of Congress, and carrying out the wishes of our people. After the ratification by the people of our State of our amended State constitution, embracing the same proposition, and after your election to the general assembly on this platform, and by the same people, I have not considered an elaborate argument in favor of the proposition submitted by Congress at all necessary. I may be allowed to say, however, that to prohibit slavery in a State requires a change in the State constitution. Pregnant as we find slavery to be of all sorts of politicial mischief, it is not to be got rid of, under the constitution, in any other than a constitutional manner. And, while the sooner this can be done the better, it does not appear in what part of the Constitution of the United States the power of regulating it at all, in times of peace, is to be found. Fortunately for the future happiness of the country, the Constitution has provided a way in which the people can remedy the evil, without any questionable exercise of power, and that is by .amending the Constitution, just as Congress has proposed.

Slavery was so far made the subject of constitutional cognizance, by the people of the United States, when they adopted the articles of confederation, that it found a place in the compromises of that instrument, both in fixing the ratio of representation and the apportionment of direct taxes; and also in requiring the people of a free State to surrender so much of this "sovereignty" as not to have the right to protect the slave that sought refuge from bondage-it would seem too late in the day to question the right of the people to adopt amendments to that instrument, in regard to this or other subjects embraced in its provisions. It becomes us, therefore, to approach this subject with an enlightened statesmanship, and with a decree of moral courage that is not afraid to do right, appealing to the ultimate judgment of mankind to vindicate our action.

It is in this way, and in no other, that a uniform rule can be provided, and an end put thereby, in all time to come, to a possibility of reviving that which has been the fatal cause of all the mischief in the country. To insist upon excluding slavery from a State by amending her constitution, before recognizing her again as within the pale of the Union, would look awkward, and fall below the dignity of political sagacity. Our State has shown her hand, and placed herself square upon the record; and I flatter myself that her representatives here assembled are ready for a measure which shall forever exclude slavery from the United States.

Some legislation is necessary for the protection, government and control of the emancipated slaves among us. When this war is over a portion of those who fought to perpetuate slavery will show the emancipated slave no quarter, and especially that class of slaves who have been rude and violent toward their former owners. What the character of this legislation should be, I leave the good-sense, prudence and reflection of the members of the general assembly to determine.

It is certainly proper and right for the legislature of Tennessee to determine to what extent this State shall be overrun with the emancipated slaves of other States. If their presence in any State is a blessing they should be distributed; if an evil, it is but just that we should be taxed only with our own share of them. I am, myself, the advocate of providing for them a separate and appropriate

amount of territory, and settle them down permanently, as a nation of freedmen. In this case, as in most others, it will probably be well to guard against exceptive legislation. The negro has had no agency himself in bringing on our troubles, and does not merit unkind treatment at our hands.

The attention of the legislature is earnestly called to the subject of the roving bands of guerillas, and squads of robbers and murderers who frequent those counties and portions of counties remote from our military forces. The depredations and murders committed by them are of such frequent occurrence as to have created a general feeling of insecurity among our citizens, causing hundreds to sacrifice their property, and abandon their homes and the graves of their parents and loved ones, seeking new homes, among strangers in the northwestern States.

The criminal laws of Tennessee prior to the rebellion were equal to the demands of justice and the wants of society, but they are now inadequate in both the cases. The corruptions of the rebellion have exhibited themselves in every quarter, and the effects of the same have been to demoralize all classes of society, more or less, calling for more stringent enactments, so as to meet the numerous cases arising in our country. I advise that horse stealing, house breaking, and highway robberies be punished with death. Let the proof in all such cases be clear and unquestionable, and then let the offenders be hung, even for the first offence. This character of a law will close out all these acts of perfidy which now render life and property insecure, more or less in all counties of the State; and, when the necessary reform is had, a future legislature can repeal or amend the statute. Such a law may look to others like a bloody act, but it can never affect injuriously an honest man or a law-abiding citizen. And you, gentlemen, should feel no concern for the opposite class of men but to punish and reform them.

The attention of the legislature is especially directed to the militia laws of the State. The occurrences of the past four years have disclosed the fact that our militia laws, as they now are, are very imperfect, and need further amendments to make them effective. The State arms were carried into the rebellion, through the influerce of the bad men in authority four years ago, and throughout the length and breadth of the State she has not arms enough to arm a captain's company. This deficiency should be provided for at once. I have no doubt that the federal government, upon a fair presentation of the case, would come to our relief with a liberal hand.

If, in the wisdom of the legislature, an efficient military force, over and above what is provided for in general terms, should be placed at the disposal of the executive, I suggest an appropriation for military contingent expenses. In any rate, the legislature would do well to pass an act providing for a military contingent fund, of a moderate character, confiding it under the control of the executive, and making it his duty to report to the legislature at each session. Should there be no use for the fund, the executive will, of course, make no drafts upon it, and it will be his pleasure to report that the money belonging to the military contingent fund remains in the State treasury unexpended.

I am aware that a proposition to increase the salaries of public officers in the State will meet with opposition; that it is not a popular measure, and that demagogues will use such a vote upon the stump against members voting for an increase. Acting alone from a sense of duty, and desiring to see justice done to those patriotic men who are serving the State, I suggest an increase in the pay of all civil officers whose compensation is fixed by law. Supreme judges should be paid a salary of $5,000; chancellors and circuit judges should be allowed $3,000, and the treasurer, comptroller, secretary of state, attorney general, and other officers should be allowed a corresponding increase in their salaries. And I respectfully, but frankly, suggest that the pay of members of the general as

sembly be increased, and the more so as such increase could not take effect during your term of office.

It is folly to think of a man in public office now supporting his family on the salary he received four and five years ago. Boarding, clothing, meats, vegetables-in fact, everything has increased to twice former prices. And yet the wages of the public officers are down at the old prices. If any one of the incumbents named is worthy of his office he is worthy of a support from that office. His pay should be made equal to his necessary expenses. The State cannot reasonably expect a man to devote his individual time and his whole energies and talents to an office, when the salary of such office will not defray the necessary expenses of his family. Gentlemen capable of filling such offices are capable of supporting themselves in other vocations, and it is obvious that they will be forced to turn their attention to other pursuits in order to gain a livelihood. The increase of such salaries will add something to our taxes, but the amount will be so small as scarcely to be felt by the people. I doubt not they will cheerfully contribute in this way to aid in sustaining good and competent men in important official positions. I recommend, therefore, that immediate action be taken in this matter.

The financial condition of the State demands the early and prompt attention of this general assembly. The reports of the comptroller and treasurer are to October 1, 1861. From that time to the restoration of the capital to the national authority, February following, and the flight of the State authorities, the information left us is imperfect and insufficient. The subsequent operations will appear from the current report of the comptroller, whose high character for integrity and truth commend him to your confidence. The balance in the treasury on the 1st of October, 1861, according to the treasurer's report, was $185,496 69; besides, warrants for payment remain in the treasury for $60,401 04. Warrants for payment out of the treasury had been issued but not presented for $145,417 12. How far the figures were modified by the operations of the next four months and a half, to the middle of February, 1862, I have no inforation. Except the military expenses, it is presumed that the balance was not changed, judging from the uniformity apparent in the fiscal operations of the preceding four years. Since that time Middle and West Tennessee have been generally within the federal lines, and East Tennessee since September 1, 1863. Governor Johnson has occupied the capitol, and exercised gubernatorial jurisdiction over those portions of the State held by federal authority. Governor Harris, who adhered to the rebel cause, is very generally understood to have collected revenue in the counties within their military lines. The comptroller will be found to have given in his report the financial history of Governor Johnson's administration. This report is respectfully submitted for your careful consideration, and the recommendations of that officer are approved by me. What moneys were collected by Governor Harris and his subordinates I am unable to state, nor am I prepared to say that it is important for you to inquire. It will be a matter for your consideration whether the arrearage of taxes for the past four years shall be collected in whole or in part. The principal, if not the current, liabilities during that period are the interest on the State debt. The usual payments to common schools and academies, and to several charitable institutions of the State, were not made. The consequences of the failure would not be atoned for by reaching them now. The same is substantially true of various other items of ordinary expenditures.

The State debt, as reported by the comptroller in October, 1861, is said to be $6,896,606 66, and this demands your attention. This includes $3,000,000 of eight per cent. bonds for the "defence of the State," which has recently been discarded by the people at the ballot-box. This unauthorized and most unjust indebtedness repudiated, leaves the indebtedness of the State properly $3,896,606 06, at an annual interest of $212,388 25. The interest is presumed

to have been paid on the 1st of January, 1861. It is not known how much has since been paid, if any. The bonds will show, either by the indorsements or the absence of the coupons. Besides this debt the State has bonds for internal improvement purposes, and has indorsed the bonds of railroad companies to the amount of $16,211,000. For these the State is ultimately liable upon the failure of the companies. These bonds it is believed the State will have to provide for to preserve its credit, making an aggregate indebtedness of $20,005,606 66, and the annual interest $1,185,048 25. Of this debt proper $66,666 66 matured in 1861, $61,250 in 1862, $177,750 in 1863, and $58,500 in 1864—in all, $366,166 66, at once to be provided for. The comptroller states that the bonds maturing in 1861 were "taken possession of and held by the State, subject to adjustment at the end of the war." Besides these the State held bonds, mostly her own, as follows: the Spencer T. Hunt fund, 6; the railroad sinking fund, 161; deposited by the free banks, 341; deposited by foreign insurance companies, 80; and in all, 588 bonds. These bonds, held in trust, were carried away, it is believed, with the valuables of the State treasury, by the State officers, who ingloriously fled on the approach of the national flag. Double payment can probably be avoided. Evidence must be in existence by which they can be identified. The notorious condition of our

State affairs has been sufficient to put dealers upon their guard. So that if any of the bonds have been fraudulently sold, payment to the present holders may be justly stopped. Furthermore, it will be well to consider how far it is your duty as agents of the State, not only not to pay the bonds held by those who have been actively engaged in the rebellion to overthrow the government, whether held by them or parties who may seek to conceal them for the benefit of the rebels, as they will likely do, I advise that you adopt measures to prevent their payment. The bonds can in no event compensate for the loss the disloyal holders have occasioned the State. The justice of holding them responsible in this way it is believed cannot be successfully controverted.

The arrearage of interest, amounting to nearly twenty-five per cent. of the principal, is more than the people can easily pay at sight, with the other burdens, public and private, thrown upon them by the war. It will be necessary, therefore, to anticipate the means, so as at the same time to preserve the State credit by satisfying the creditors and to preserve the people from oppressive taxation.

The recent amendment to the State constitution abolishing slavery will require some changes in the revenue laws. The item of slaves will no longer appear in the list of taxables. The census of 1860 shows there were in the State about 275,000. The assessors' returns show that 130,425 were reported for taxation. Their average value had steadily increased from $413 72 in 1846 to $886 40. It is a significant fact that the next year, the first of the war, the average fell to $769 36, taxes being at the low rate of seven cents upon the one hundred dollars, to which our State taxation was reduced in 1860, the slaves averaging a little the rise of sixty-two cents each, amounting to $80,000 in the aggregate. The slaves held no property. Being emancipated, they will now be subjected to a poll-tax. Many of them will soon acquire taxable property far beyond their personal value as slaves.

As soon as this war ceases there is every reason to expect a large accession to our population. Thousands of sensible and practical men have been here, connected with the army, and have looked with astonishment and delight at our productive soil, charming climate, and great advantages of agriculture. They have seen that a farm hand in a northern State is ordinarily worth from thirty to fifty dollars a month-that is to say, he earns that much, or say $600 per annum. In our State a good farm hand can make five bales of cotton of five hundred pounds each, which would make the profits of his labor worth $2,000 per annum, against $600 in a northern State-a better and more certain

business than going to California or any of the gold regions. Therefore it is the value of land with us will be proportionately increased. If the tax of seven cents on the one hundred dollars, to which our burdens had been reduced in 1860, shall be increased to a reasonable extent, it is believed sufficient revenue will be realized in the next three years, over and above the ordinary expenditures, to meet the arrears of interest on the debt, to pay the sum now due, and the further sum of $1,245,090, falling due in 1868.

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It is further suggested that the list of taxable property might be increased without being oppressive. By the returns of 1860 it appears that all other property" subject to taxation, besides land, amounted in value to but $24,362,151-less than one-half the assessed value of the town lots. Before the war our financial resources were so ample, compared with the limited demands upon them, that it was necessary to tax but a few of the principle articles of property. Our affairs are now quite changed, and every interest should be made to bear its proper burdens.

The common school system will, in this connexion, demand your attention. The fund appropriated for this purpose has been squandered by the bad men and dishonest functionaries who fled on the approach of the old flag. What shall be done to replace this great loss? At no period in the history of the State has the young and rising generation appealed so affectingly for legislative aid. Practically denied all scholastic advantages during the last four years, and deprived as thousands have been of their natural protectors, if they are not soon provided for, it will be too late for them. Indeed, not a few have already passed beyond the age to attend school, hopelessly illiterate.

In this connexion your attention is called to an act of Congress providing for the establishment of an agricultural college. Most of the States are in advance of us in accepting the offer, and perhaps we might profit by examining their legislation in regard to this subject.

The currency and the banks are nearly allied to finances, and are in such a demoralized condition as to demand prompt action and most positive legislation. The State owes it to herself to look into the condition of the three old barksthe Bank of Tennessee, the Union and the Planters' banks-each having its parent bank in Nashville, with affiliated branches extending over the State; also several stock banks and the free banks. With, perhaps, one or two exceptions, it is believed they are all hopelessly insolvent. All have, beyond doubt, violated their charters, and may properly be closed up. Nay, where they have value received for their notes and are worth it they should be made to redeem their issues. The policy formed by these banks, even before the war, was to keep their paper at lower quotations than that of any of the surrounding States. Even at home it was at a discount, and in some of the neighboring States it was uncurrent. This imposed upon our commerce the payment of large sums of premiums upon all remittances beyond the State, which in the end came off the people. Such a currency could only result from unsound financial principles; for the balance of trade with most of the surrounding States was decidedly in our favor. It is therefore recommended that all existing banks be wound up at once, and that no more State banks be chartered. The several hundred thousand in real estate owned by the State bank should be cashed without delay. The stock was owned by the State, and it held large deposits of currency and securities. As the Union army advanced to the possession and occupation of the towns where the branches were located the officers fled with the assets beyond the limits of the State, and they are now doubtless irretrievably gone. In the outset of the rebellion this bank was used by the guilty conspirators, and large issues were made to further their schemes of treason. It has been determined by the people that these issues shall not be paid.

There are many notes outstanding of the bank issued after the date specified in your amended constitution, and intended alone for the benefit of the