order to avoid this evil, to adopt a constituti which will enable such nations to obtain t ends by the more easy mode of contaminat the principles of our senators? Sir, if our s ators will not be corrupted, it will be beca they will be good men; and not because constitution provides against corruption; there is no real check secured in it, and most abandoned and profligate acts may v impunity be committed by them.

of it, let us examine it. When we trusted the | ours on the ocean, or that nations, whose int great object of revising the confederation to ests come in contrast with ours, in the prog the greatest, the best and most enlightened of of their guilt, will perpetrate the vilest exp our citizens, we thought their deliberations ents to exclude us from a participation in co would have been solely confined to that revi-mercial advantages? Does he advise us, sion. Instead of this, a new system, totally different in its nature, and vesting the most extensive powers in Congress, is presented. Will the ten men you are to send to Congress, be more worthy than those seven were? If power grew so rapidly in their hands, what may it not do in the hands of others? If those who go from this State will find power accompanied with temptation, our situation must be truly critical. When about forming a government, if we mistake the principles, or commit any other error, the very circumstance promises that power will be abused. The greatest caution and circumspection are therefore necessary; nor does this proposed system in its investigation here, deserve the least charity.

The honorable member says, that the national government is without energy. I perfectly agree with him: and when he cried out union, I agreed with him: but I tell him not to mistake the end for the means. The end is union; the most capital means, I suppose, are an army and navy: on a supposition I will acknowledge this; still the bare act of agreeing to that paper, though it may have an amazing influence, will not pay our millions. There must be things to pay debts. What these things are, or how they are to be produced, must be determined by our political wisdom and economy.

The honorable gentleman alleges, that previous amendments will prevent the junction of our riches from producing great profits and emoluments, (which would enable us to pay our public debts,) by excluding us from the Union. I believe, sir, that a previous ratification of a system notoriously and confessedly defective, will endanger our riches, our liberty, our all. Its defects are acknowledged; they cannot be denied. The reason offered by the honorable gentleman for adopting this defective system, is the adoption by eight States. I say, sir, that, if we present nothing but what is reasonable in the shape of amendments, they will receive us. Union is as necessary for them as for us. Will they then be so unreasonable as not to join us? If such be their disposition, I am happy to know it in time.

The honorable member then observed, that nations will expend millions for commercial advantages; that is, they will deprive you of every advantage if they can. Apply this another way. Their cheaper way, instead of laying out millions in making war upon you, will be to corrupt your senators. I know that if they be not above all price, they may make a sacrifice of our commercial interests. They may advise your president to make a treaty that will not only sacrifice all your commercial interests, but throw prostrate your bill of rights. Does he fear that their ships will outnumber

With respect to Maryland, what danger f thence? I know none. I have not heard any hostility premeditated or committed. N tenths of the people have not heard of Those who are so happy as to be illumin have not informed their fellow-citizens of it am so valiant as to say, that no danger come from that source, sufficient to make abandon my republican principles. The 1 orable gentleman ought to have recollec that there were no tyrants in America, as th are in Europe: the citizens of republican ders are only terrible to tyrants: instead being dangerous to one another, they mutu support one another's liberties. We migh confederated with the adopting States, with ratifying this system. No form of governm renders a people more formidable. A cont racy of States joined together, becomes st as the United Netherlands. The governm of Holland (execrated as it is) proves that present confederation is adequate to every pose of human association. There are s provinces confederated together for a long t containing numerous opulent cities and m of the finest ports in the world. The reco tion of the situation of that country, w make me execrate monarchy. The sing felicity and success of that people, are unpa leled; freedom has done miracles there in claiming land from the ocean. It is the ric spot on the face of the globe. Have the men or money? Have they no fleets or arm Have they no arts or sciences among th How did they repel the attacks of the grea nations in the world? How have they acqu their amazing influence and power? Did consolidate government, to effect these purp as we do? No, sir, they have triumphed every obstacle and difficulty, and have arr at the summit of political felicity, and of common opulence, by means of a confeder that very government which gentlemen a to despise. They have, sir, avoided a con dation as the greatest of evils. They lately, it is true, made one advance in that progression. This misfortune burst on ther iniquity and artifice. That stadtholder, executive magistrate, contrived it, in conj tion with other European nations. It was the choice of the people. Was it owing t

The style of the government (we the people) was introduced, perhaps, to recommend it to the people at large; to those citizens who are to be levelled and degraded to the lowest degree, who are likened to a herd, and who, by the operation of this blessed system, are to be transformed from respectable, independent citizens, to abject, dependent subjects or slaves. The honorable gentleman has anticipated what we are to be reduced to, by degradingly assimilating our citizens to a herd.

energy that this happened? If two provinces | government, will cost this continent immense have paid nothing, what have not the rest done? sums. Double sets of collectors will double And have not these two provinces made other the expense. To these are to be added oppresexertions? Ought they, to avoid this inconve- sive excisemen and custom-house officers. Sir, nience, to have consolidated their different the people have an hereditary hatred to customStates, and have a ten miles square? Compare house officers. The experience of the mother that little spot, nurtured by liberty, with the country leads me to detest them. They have fairest country in the world. Does not Holland introduced their baneful influence into the adpossess a powerful navy and army, and a full ministration, and destroyed one of the most treasury? They did not acquire these by de- beautiful systems that ever the world saw. Our basing the principles and trampling on the forefathers enjoyed liberty there, while that rights of their citizens. Sir, they acquired system was in its purity, but it is now contamithese by their industry, economy, and by the nated by influence of every kind. freedom of their government. Their commerce is the most extensive in Europe; their credit is unequalled; their felicity will be an eternal monument of the blessings of liberty; every nation in Europe is taught by them what they are, and what they ought to be. The contrast between those nations and this happy people, is the most splendid spectacle for republicans, the greatest cause of exultation and triumph to the sons of freedom. While other nations, precipitated by the rage of ambition or folly, have, in the pursuit of the most magnificent projects, riveted the fetters of bondage on themselves and their descendants, these republicans have secured their political happiness and freedom. Where is there a nation to be compared to them? Where is there now, or where was there ever a nation, of so small a territory, and so few in number, so powerful, so wealthy, so happy? What is the cause of this superiority? Liberty, sir, the freedom of their government. Though they are now unhappily in some degree consolidated, yet they have my acclamations, when put in contrast with those millions of their fellow-men who lived and died slaves. The dangers of a consolidation ought to be guarded against in this country. I shall exert my poor talents to ward them off. Dangers are to be apprehended in whatever manner we proceed; but those of a consolidation are the most destructive. Let us leave no expedient untried to secure happiness; but whatever be our decision, I am consoled, if American liberty will remain entire only for half a century; and I trust that mankind in general, and our posterity in particular, will be compensated for every anxiety we now feel.

Another gentleman tells us, that no inconvenience will result from the exercise of the power of taxation by the general government; that two shillings out of ten may be saved by the impost; and that four shillings may be paid to the federal collector, and four to the State collector. A change of government will not pay money. If from the probable amount of the impost, you take the enormous and extravagant expenses, which will certainly attend the support of this great consolidated government, I believe you will find no reduction of the public burdens by this new system. The splendid maintenance of the president and of the members of both Houses; and the salaries and fees of the swarm of officers and dependants on the

Here Mr. Randolph rose, and declared that he did not use that word to excite any odium, but merely to convey the idea of a multitude.

Mr. Henry replied, that it made a deep impression on his mind, and that he verily believed, that system would operate as he had said. [He then continued]—I will exchange that abominable word for requisitions; requisitions which gentlemen affect to despise, have nothing degrading in them. On this depends our political prosperity. I never will give up that darling word, requisitions; my country may give it up; a majority may wrest it from me, but I will never give it up till my grave. Requisitions are attended with one singular advantage. They are attended by deliberation. They secure to the States the benefit of correcting oppressive errors. If our assembly thought requisitions erroneous, if they thought the demand was too great, they might at least supplicate Congress to reconsider, that it was a little too much. The power of direct taxation was called by the honorable gentleman the soul of the government: another gentleman called it the lungs of the government. We all agree, that it is the most important part of the body politic. If the power of raising money be necessary for the general government, it is no less so for the States. If money be the vitals of Congress, is it not precious for those individuals from whom it is to be taken? Must I give my soul, my lungs, to Congress? Congress must have our souls; the State must have our souls. This is dishonorable and disgraceful. These two coordinate, interfering, unlimited powers of har assing the community, are unexampled-unprecedented in history; they are the visionary projects of modern politicians: tell me not of imaginary means, but of reality: this political solecism will never tend to the benefit of the community. It will be as oppressive in practice as it is absurd in theory. If you part from this,

right to bind us in all cases whatsoever. constructive power we opposed, and su fully. Thirteen or fourteen years ago, the important thing that could be thought o to exclude the possibility of constructio implication. These, sir, were then d perilous. The first thing that was thoug was a bill of rights. We were not sa with your constructive argumentative rig

which the honorable gentleman tells you is the | By a bold implication, they said they 1 soul of Congress, you will be inevitably ruined. I tell you, they shall not have the soul of Virginia. They tell us, that one collector may collect the federal and State taxes. The general government being paramount to the State legislatures, if the sheriff is to collect for both-his right hand for the Congress, his left for the State his right hand being paramount over the left, his collections will go to Congress. We will have the rest. Deficiencies in collections Mr. Henry then declared a bill of righ will always operate against the States. Con- dispensably necessary; that a general p gress being the paramount, supreme power, provision should be inserted in the new sy must not be disappointed. Thus Congress will securing to the States and the people have an unlimited, unbounded command over right which was not conceded to the g the soul of this commonwealth. After satisfy-government; and that every implication ing their uncontrolled demands, what can be be done away. It being now late, he con left for the States? Not a sufficiency even to by observing, that he would resume the s defray the expense of their internal administra- another time. tion. They must therefore glide imperceptibly and gradually out of existence. This, sir, must naturally terminate in a consolidation. If this will do for other people, it never will do for

me.

If we are to have one representative for every thirty thousand souls, it must be by implication. The constitution does not positively secure it. Even say it is a natural implication, why not give us a right to that proportion in express terms, in language that could not admit of evasions or subterfuges? If they can use implication for us, they can also use implication against us. We are giving power; they are getting power: judge, then, on which side the implication will be used. When we once put it in their option to assume constructive power, danger will follow. Trial by jury, and liberty of the press, are also on this foundation of implication. If they encroach on these rights, and you give your implication for a plea, you are cast; for they will be justified by the last part of it, which gives them full power "to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper to carry their powers into execution." Implication is dangerous, because it is unbounded: if it be admitted at all, and no limits be prescribed, it admits of the utmost extension. They say, that every thing that is not given is retained. The reverse of the proposition is true by implication. They do not carry their implication so far when they speak of the general welfare. No implication when the sweeping clause comes. Implication is only necessary when the existence of privileges is in dispute. The existence of powers is sufficiently established. If we trust our dearest rights to implication, we shall be in a very unhappy situation.

Implication in England has been a source of dissension. There has been a war of implication between the king and people. For one hundred years did the mother country struggle under the uncertainty of implication. The people insisted that their rights were implied: the monarch denied the doctrine. Their bill of rights in some degree terminated the dispute. I

On the 9th, Mr. Henry continued his re as follows:

MR. CHAIRMAN: I find myself again con ed to trespass on the patience of this com I wish there was a prospect of union sentiments; so much time would not t taken up. But when I review the mag of the subject under consideration, and dangers which appear to me in this net of government, and compare thereto m abilities to secure our rights, it will take more time, in my poor unconnected w traverse the objectionable parts of it; th friends here who will be abler than my make good these objections which to us well founded. If we recollect, on last Sat I made some observations on some of dangers, which these gentlemen woul persuade us hang over the citizens of thi monwealth, to induce us to change the g ment, and adopt the new plan. Unless be great and awful dangers, the change gerous, and the experiment ought not made. In estimating the magnitude of dangers, we are obliged to take a most view of them, to feel them, to handle and to be familiar with them. It is no cient to feign mere imaginary dangers must be a dreadful reality. The great q between us is, does that reality exist? dangers are partially attributed to bac execrated by the community at large. said the people wish to change the gover I should be happy to meet them on that Should the people wish to change it, we be innocent of the dangers. It is a fa the people do not wish to change their ment. How am I to prove it? It will my bare assertion, unless supported by ternal conviction in men's breasts. M say-so is a mere nonentity. But, sir persuaded that four-fifths of the people ginia must have amendments to the ne to reconcile them to a change of their ment. Our assertions form but a slipper

might go further; I might say, not from public authority, but good information, that his opinion is, that you reject this government. His character and abilities are in the highest estimation; he is well acquainted, in every respect, with this country; equally so with the policy of the European nations. This illustrious citizen advises you to reject this government, till it be amended. His sentiments coincide entirely with ours. His attachment to, and services done for this country, are well known. At a great distance from us, he remembers and studies our happiness. Living amidst splendor and dissipation, he thinks yet of bills of rightsthinks of those little despised things called maxims. Let us follow the sage advice of this common friend of our happiness. It is little usual for nations to send armies to collect debts. The house of Bourbon, that great friend of America, will never attack her for the unwilling delay of payment. Give me leave to say, that Europe is too much engaged about ob

I will not repeat what the gentlemen say, but will mention one thing. There is a dispute between us and the Spaniards, about the right of navigating the Mississippi. This dispute has sprung from the federal government. I wish a great deal to be said on this subject. I wish to know the origin and progress of the business, as it would probably unfold great dangers. In my opinion, the preservation of that river calls for our most serious consideration. It has been agitated in Congress. Seven States have voted so as that it is known to the Spaniards, that under our existing system the Mississippi shall be taken from them. Seven States wished to relinquish this river to them. The six Southern States opposed it. Seven States not being sufficient to convey it away, it remains now ours.jects of greater importance to attend to us. On If I am wrong, there are a number on this floor who can contradict the facts; I will readily retract. This new government, I conceive, will enable those States, who have already discovered their inclination that way, to give away this river. Will the honorable gentleman advise us to relinquish this inestimable navigation, and place formidable enemies to our backs? This weak, this poor confederation cannot secure us. We are resolved to take shelter under the shield of federal authority in America. The southern parts of America have been protected by that weakness so much execrated. I hope this will be explained. I was not in Congress when these transactions took place. I may not have stated every fact. I may have misrepresented matters. I hope to be fully acquainted with every thing relative to the subject. Let us hear how the great and important right of navigating that river has been attended to; and whether I am mistaken in my opinion, that federal measures will lose it to us for ever. If a bare majority of Congress can make laws, the situation of our western citizens is dreadful.

that great theatre of the world the little American matters vanish. Do you believe, that the mighty monarch of France, beholding the greatest scenes that ever engaged the attention of a prince of that country, will divert himself from those important objects, and now call for a settlement of accounts with America? This proceeding is not warranted by good sense. The friendly disposition to us, and the actual situation of France, render the idea of danger from that quarter absurd. Would this countryman of ours be fond of advising us to a measure which he knew to be dangerous, and can it be reasonably supposed, that he can be ignorant of any premeditated hostility against this country? The honorable gentleman may suspect the account, but I will do our friend the justice to say that he would warn us of any danger from France.

Do you suppose the Spanish monarch will risk a contest with the United States, when his feeble colonies are exposed to them? Every advance the people here make to the westward, makes him tremble for Mexico and Peru. Despised as we are among ourselves under our present government, we are terrible to that monarchy. If this be not a fact, it is generally said so.

We are threatened with danger for the nonpayment of the debt due to France. We have information from an illustrious citizen of Virginia, who is now in Paris, which disproves the We are in the next place frightened by dansuggestions of such danger. This citizen has gers from Holland. We must change our govnot been in the airy regions of theoretic specu-ernment to escape the wrath of that republic. lation; our ambassador is this worthy citizen. The ambassador of the United States of America is not so despised as the honorable gentleman would make us believe. A servant of a republic is as much respected as that of a monarch. The honorable gentleman tells us, that hostile fleets are to be sent to make reprisals upon us; our ambassador tells you, that the king of France has taken into consideration to enter into commercial regulations on reciprocal terms with us, which will be of peculiar advantage to us. Does this look like hostility? I

Holland groans under a government like this new one. A stadtholder, sir, a Dutch president has brought on that country miseries which will not permit them to collect debts with fleets or armies. The wife of a Dutch stadtholder brought one hundred thousand men against that republic, and prostrated all opposition. This president will bring miseries on us like those of Holland. Such is the condition of European affairs, that it would be unsafe for them to send fleets or armies to collect debts. But here, sir, they make a transition to objects of another

| of that State to know the reasons of adopt that system or understand its principles, in very short a period after its formation? T is the middle of June. Those transactions h pened last August. The matter was circula by every effort of industry, and the most p cipitate measures taken to hurry the people i an adoption. Yet now, after having had seve months since to investigate it, a very large of this community-a very great majority this community, do not understand it. I ha heard gentlemen of respectable abilities decl they did not understand it. If after great pai men of high learning, who have received aid of a regular education, do not understa it; if the people of Pennsylvania understoo in so short a time, it must have been fr intuitive understandings, and uncommon act ness of perception. Place yourselves in their si ation; would you fight your neighbors for cons ering this great and awful matter? If you w for real amendments, such as the security the trial by jury, it will reach the hearts of

kind. We are presented with dangers of a very uncommon nature. I am not acquainted with the arts of painting. Some gentlemen have a peculiar talent for them. They are practised with great ingenuity on this occasion. As a counterpart to what we have already been intimidated with, we are told, that some lands have been sold which cannot be found; and that this will bring war on this country. Here the picture will not stand examination. Can it be supposed, that if a few land speculators and jobbers have violated the principles of probity, that it will involve this country in war? Is there no redress to be otherwise obtained, even admitting the delinquents and sufferers to be numerous? When gentlemen are thus driven to produce imaginary dangers, to induce this convention to assent to this change, I am sure it will not be uncandid to say, that the change itself is really dangerous. Then the Maryland compact is broken, and will produce perilous consequences. I see nothing very terrible in this. The adoption of the new system will not remove the evil. Will they forfeit good neigh-people of that State. Whatever may be borhood with us, because the compact is broken? Then the disputes concerning the Carolina line are to involve us in dangers. A strip of land running from the westward of the Alleghany to the Mississippi, is the subject of this pretended dispute. I do not know the length or breadth of this disputed spot. Have they not regularly confirmed our right to it and relinquished all claims to it? I can venture to pledge, that the people of Carolina will never disturb us. The strength of this despised country has settled an immense tract of country to the westward. Give me leave to remark, that the honorable gentleman's observations on our frontiers, north and south, east and west, are all inaccurate.

disposition of the aristocratical politicians that country, I know there are friends of hun nature in that State. If so, they will ne make war on those who make professions what they are attached to themselves.

As to the danger arising from borderers is mutual and reciprocal. If it be danger for Virginia, it is equally so for them. It be their true interest to be united with us. danger of our being their enemies, will b prevailing argument in our favor. It will as powerful to admit us into the Union, vote of adoption without previous amendme could possibly be.

Then the savage Indians are to destroy We cannot look them in the face. The dan is here divided; they are as terrible to the ot States as to us: but, sir, it is well known t we have nothing to fear from them. Our b settlers are considerably stronger than th and their superiority increases daily. Supp the States to be confederated all around what we want in number, we shall make otherwise. Our compact situation and nat strength will secure us. But to avoid all d gers, we must take shelter under the fed government. Nothing gives a decided imp tance but this federal government. You sip sorrow, according to the vulgar phrase you want any other security than the laws Virginia.

Will Maryland fight against this country for seeking amendments? Were there not sixty members in that State who went in quest of amendments? Sixty against eight or ten were in favor of pursuing amendments. Shall they fight us for doing what they themselves have done? They have sought amendments, but differently from the manner in which I wish amendments to be got. The honorable gentleman may plume himself on this difference. Will they fight us for this dissimilarity? Will they fight us for seeking the object they seek themselves? When they do, it will be time for me to hold my peace. Then, sir, comes Pennsylvania, in terrible array. Pennsylvania is to go in conflict with Virginia. Pennsylvania has been a good neighbor hereto- A number of characters of the greatest e fore. She is federal-something terrible: Vir- nence in this country, object to this gove ginia cannot look her in the face. If we suffi- ment, for its consolidating tendency. Thi ciently attend to the actual situation of things, not imaginary. It is a formidable reality. we will conclude that Pennsylvania will do consolidation proves to be as mischievous what we do. A number of that country are this country as it has been to other countr strongly opposed to it. Many of them have what will the poor inhabitants of this cour lately been convinced of its fatal tendency. do? This government will operate like They are disgorged of their federalism. I be- ambuscade. It will destroy the State gove seech you to bring this matter home to your-ments, and swallow up the liberties of selves. Was there a possibility for the people people, without giving them previous not