Reign of Huayna-Capac bout him (as Garcilafo relates) "Let us "leave those brutes, who have nothing "human but their fhape, and are not worthy to have us for their fove"reign. gined that the people in the wonderful veffel that had juft appeared upon the coaft were thofe to whom the prophecy related; and according to the injunctions A of his father, the Sun, tranfmitted down by his ancestors, he strictly commanded all his fubjects to fubmit to these wonderful ftrangers and obey them.* Here therefore the Inca fixed the limits of the empire, and returned to Cuzco, and foon after fet out upon a progrefs through the feveral provinces of the empire: This was the laft imperial vifitation that ever was made; while the emperor was employed therein, B news came that the natives of the province of Caranque, lately conquered, had revolted, and uniting with fome neighbouring nations, not fubject to the empire, had murdered all the governors and officers whom the Inca had set over them. The Inca, greatly exasperated, immediately ordered an army to march towards that province, and foon after followed it himself in perfon. When the Inca's generals arrived upon the confines of the revolted province, they offered pardon to the rebels, provided they would lay down their arms and return to their duty; but thefe offers being rejected, when the Inca came up, he D entered the province at the head of his army, and reduced the rebels by force of arms; and in order to deter others from infurrections for the future, he refolved to make an example of the ring. leaders of this revolt; he therefore cauled the chiefs of the province, and a great number of other perfons, who had been the most active and culpable, to be carried to the fide of a great lake upon the borders of the province, and there to be beheaded. In memory of which execution the lake was ever after called Yayuar-cocha, that is to fay, The lake of blood. Whilft Huayna-Capac refided in hia palace at Tumipampa, to repofe himfelf after his late fatigue, he received advice of the arrival of the Spaniards upon the coafts of his empire. As this news was preceded by various prodigies in the earth, air, and heavens, it threw the people into a great confternation, and convinced the Inca that the time of the accomplishment of the Inca Viracocha's prophecy drew nigh. The Inca Huayna Capac declared in his will, that the prophecy imported that when twelve Incas of the blood-royal fhould have reigned, a new and ftrange people fhould arrive in the empire, whofe valour would be irrefiftible, and who fhould conquer the whole empire: He added, that as the number of twelve Lacas was compleated in him, he ima E F Huayna-Capac by Rava Ocllo, his fecond lawful wife, had Huafcar-Inca who fucceeded him, and by his third wife Moma-Runtu, the daughter of his uncle Auqui-Amaru-Tupac-Inca he had Manco-Inca, who reigned in a part of the empire after the arrival of the Spaniards. One of his concubines was the daughter of king Quitu, by whom he had Atahualpa, who was made king of Quitu by his father, and afterwards rebelled against his brother Huafcar, and caufed himself to be acknowledged em peror. The Inca fpent the last years of his life in Quitu, which was his favourite province, and there died. His heart and bowels he ordered to be interred in the chief city of the province, as a mark of his affection, and his body to be carried to Cuzco, to be depofited amongst his ancestors. He had fo great an affection for his fon Atahuallpa, that he left him the kingdom of Quitu, and made him independent on his brother the emperor. * [This account of Huayra-Capac's will, and the Inca Viracocha's prophecy, looks very like a fiction and interpolation of the Spani hiftorians, to ftrengthen their title to the Peruvian empire, and to perfuade fuperftitious bigots that this vaft and wealthy country was the predeftined gift of heaven to them, and their lawful inheritance.] Objections against the Hutchinfonian account of the Cherubim candids propoted. SIR, N my laft, (fee p. 205.) I entered on the confideration of the words Cherub and Cherubim, and made feveral excepGtions to the explication of those words by the Hutchinfonians, which I fhall now purfue without any repetition of what was then faid. Suppofe their interpretation of the etymology of CHẹRuB were juft, yet, is it not very evident that their application of it is wrong? For, if the meaning of the word Cheru H bim be, as they fuppofe, a fimilitude or emblem of the great ones, the queftion ftill remains, Of what great ones? They anfwer, of the glorious perfun of the godhead in covenant for the redemption of man. Here a vaft croud of objections immedia 260 Cherubim mifapplied by the Hutchinsonians. B In general then obferve (1) There A ought to be no fimilitude made to reprefent the deity in three perfons. Thrat God commanded Mofes to make Cherubim is allowed, but that he ordered them to be made as emblems of himfelf cannot be granted. Would not this tend to idolatry? Does it not contradi&t the fecond commandment? Is there not an exprefs and tender injunction to Ifrael to make no graven or molten images? with this special reafon (among others) affigned for it, Deut. iv. 15, For ye faw no manner of fimilitude in the day that the Lord ipake unto you in Horeb out of the midst of the fire. And if these Cherubic faces were to the Jews either the object or the medium of worthip, would not the reflection that is caft upon the Elchim of the heathen, be as just against the Elobim of Ifrael? namely, that they are filver and gold, the work of mens hands; D have eyes, but fee not, &c. But this matter has been fo fully difcuffed in controverfies between papiits and proteftants, and is fo excellently argued in the homilies of the church on peril of idolatry, that I need fay no more. But (2) as there ought not, fo there cannot be any fimilitude made of the deity and trinity in unity. What likenefs, what ftatue, what image can be prefented or deviled that fhould properly figure out deity? I acknowledge, indeed, that Jehovah is compared to a rock, a field, a fortress, &c. which words are defcriptive of the relation God ftands in to his people, and the benefits he confers upon them; but no reasonable perfon ever thought that fuch expreflions and comparisons were defcriptive either of JEHOVAHI himfelf, or of any of the perfons in the effence. I must add, (3) were it poffible or lawful to paint forth by images the trinity, this, which thefe learned gentlemen propose, is very unpromising. Here are, lay they, the faces of an ox and of an eagle, and the faces of a lion and of a man joined together. Now is there any fimilitude between the face of an ox and the eternal father; the face H of an eagle, and the eternal fpirit; the face of a lion, and the eternal fon. Indeed if the lion be an emblem of the fecond perfon, the man joined with him is proper cnough to reprefent his hu F G manity; but all the reft feem very diffi milar, as diftant from a proper fimilitude as any imagination could invent. Neither will it give much affiftance, if they fay, that these three, the ox, lion, and eagle do in the first place represent the fire, light, and fpirit in the material fyftem, and are but fecondary resemblances of the trinity. But this brings me down into the particulars. Here then I muft ftate their opinion in a brief manner, and then fhow the objections againft, and difficulties that clog each branch of it. They fay then (1) That the Cherubim, or each Cherub, has four faces; the faces of an ox, of a lion, of a man, and of an eagle. (2) That the face of the ox is an emblem of fire, the lion of light, the eagle of spirit or air. (3) That thefe three fire, light, and spirit in the material heavens are emblems or reprefentations to us of the trinity. The unity of their fubftance fets forth, fay they, the unity of the divine nature. The trinity of their conditions fets forth the trinity of perfons in the effence. (4) The face of the lion and man are joined together in the Cherubim, and reprefent the union of the two natures, human and divine, in the perfon of Chrift. (5) That the four living creatures mentioned Revelation iv. having the fame faces, must be explained in the fame manner. Many other pofitions they have, which are in general founded upon, and derived from those I have mentioned. And if all thefe, or indeed any of them, are proved to be really falfe, there is no neceffity to fearch any farther into the fubject, for the whole fcheme muft fink of courfe. These propofitions are all fo very uncommon and unfufpected, that 'tis no wonder if many ftartle at the very propofal, and fhould call for the cleareft proof before they can entertain ferious thoughts about them, or any good opinion of them. And as the Hutchinfonians themselves must confefs that all propofitions of this kind are very forbidding at the first mention of them, and that most of themselves were once as much affrighted at them as others now are, I cannot but judge that it is their incumbent duty to ufe their opposers. with all poffible mildnefs, however fure and certain they are in their own minds. Is it not very wrong in any, after they have taken much pais, ufed much thought and enquiry, encountered with many difficulties, and are at lait brought to embrace thefe opinions: I fay, is it not apparently wrong for fuch a one immedi ately Voltaire's Story of the Man with the Iron Mask illuftrated. 261. ately to forget all his own difficulties and ftruggles, and expect that others fhould prefently fall in with them, accounting A thofe that hold off wilfully blind, or obftinately perverse? But I leave this with their confciences, while I proceed in propofing my objections and difficulties; but as I cannot enter upon this at prefent, without taking up more of your room than you may conveniently allow, fhail therefore shut up this epiltle with begging the pardon of thefe learned gentlemen, if in any refpect I should mifreprefent or misinterpret their real meaning, and fhould be very glad to be fet right in any inftances, wherein I may appear to be guilty of a miftake, being confcious to myself that I have taken all the care I can to avoid it. A candid and fober reply to any of the foregoing objections is heartily defired, would be chearfully perufed, and impartially con fidered by Yours, &c. CANDIDUS. Mr URBAN, Voltaire having lately amufed timable as uncommon in a prince born to hereditary power, rendered the dauphin the object of the duke's contempt, who miffed no occafion of expreffing his concern for the French nation, deftined one day to obey a prince without fpirit, and unworthy to rule. The king was informed of this behaviour of the duke, and faw how blameable it was; but authority yielding to parental affection, deprived him of the power to correct his favourite fon. The duke, encouraged by this indulgence, fo far forgot himself as one day to give the dauphin a blow. The king was prefently acquainted with it, and trembled for the criminal. Whatever inclination he had to diflemble this affront, the digcnity of the crown, and the disturbance it made at court, got the better of his tenderness. He aflembled, not without reluctance, his favourite minifters, to whom he difclofed his concern, and demanded their advice. In proportion to the enormity of the crime, and according to the maxims of ftate, they all M. the world with part of an anet-judged it merited (death. However, dote relating to a person of diftinction in France, who, he fays, was kept prifoner for fome time in the ifle of St Margaret, and afterwards in the Baftile, at Paris, and who was known by no other name than the man with the iron mask, because he always appeared in one, which was fo contrived, with fteel fprings, that he could eat with it; and having left the public in the dark, as to the real name and quality of this extraordinary perionage, perhaps a more particular account of him may be acceptable to your readers. one of the council, more fenfible of the king's affection than the reft, said, there was a way to punifh the duke without taking his life. He propofed, the king fhould immediately fend him to the army then on the frontiers of Flanders; that foon after his arrival there, it thould be given out he was feized with the E plague, to prevent his being visited by perfons of diftinction; that after a few days pretended illness, it fhould be reported he was dead; and that, while in the fight of the army his funeral ceremonies were performed in a manner fuitable to his birth, he fhould by night be fecretly conveyed to the island of St Margaret, where he should be imprifoned for life. This advice was approved by the king. Faithful perfons were entrufted with the execution of it. The duke fet out for the army with a fplendid equipage. The reft of the fcheme was executed as laid down, and while the whole campbewailed the imagined death Got this unhappy prince, he was conducted thro' bye-ways to the caftle of St Margaret, and put into the hands of the governor, who had beforehand received orders from the king to fuffer his prifoner to be feen by no other perion whatever. The duke was allowed one fingle domeftic, who was in the fecret, but he dying on the road, the guards disngured him with their fabres, to preyent his being known, and leaving hi ftripped for the fame reafon, conting It must be recollected that Lewis XIV. was exceffively amorous, and had feveral miltreffes. Amongst the reft was one without beauty, but tall and well- F fhaped, and whole wit and fine lense made more than amends for the deficiency of her perfonal graces. The king loved her to distraction, and by her had a fon, on whom he conferred the title of duke de Vermandois, and caufed him to be educated with all imaginable care. He was handfome, well made, full of vivacity, but haughty and paffionate, and could not bear to pay the dauphin, the only legitimate fon of Lewis XIV. the refpect due to a prince born to be his king. These two young princes, near the fame age, were of very oppofite characters. The dauphin, poffeiled of the fame perfonal advantages as the H duke, excelled him by his mildness, his affability, and a heart full of goodness and generofity. Thefe qualities, as ef } 262 Phænomenon of Smoaky Weather in Virginia, C their journey. The governor received tho' for the most part in the fpring, latter part of the fummer, and fometimes in the winter (if mild). It is ge nerally called here moaky weather, and is looked upon as a certain prefage of drought, it never raining during its continuance, which perhaps is fometimes a fortnight or more. All objects upon the earth, at the diftance of 150 yards, and the trees in the horizon appear as if enveloped with imoak. The fun and the moon, when approaching the horizon, appear red, and the firit may be. long looked upon without the least dazzling or unealinefs to the eye. Now it is the received opinion among the common people, and even fome others too of a more improved understanding, that this proceeds either from the fmoak of the tar-kiins in the fouth parts of Virginia, and in North Carolina, or elfe from that of the large fires made by the Indians, when they use that fort of hunting called fire-bunting, in which they fet fire to the woods in a vaft large circle, managing it fo as to make the cirDele ftill leis and lefs as it burns, and when they have brought it to a convenient fize fome of them jump in, others ftay without, and they generally kill a great quantity of deer, bears, elks, &c. all which, through a natural timidity, will not venture to break through the burning ring. But I cannot poffibly: think that it is occafioned by either or both of thele imaginary caufes, though they should act conjunétly, they not be-> ing by any means adequate to the effect;: for can it be thought, that the fmoak proceeding (fuppofe) from a thousand tar-kilns, and the fires made by five hundred bodies of Indians, (which is a very large computation) all out a hunting too at the fame time that those tarkilns are burning (which very probably. never happens) can overfpread to large a tract of land as the colonies of Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, and Penfylvania, and, for ought I know, to the colonies of New-York and New-England too, for fourteen days together Again, if it were fmoak, the eyes of perfons fo continually expofed to it would certainly be affected; whereas, on the contrary, the moit tender-eyed perfons never feel the leaft forenefs or uneafinefs in that organ during its continuance. Again, did it proceed from fmoak, it would happen and be perceived, let the wind blow from any quarter, and moftly in places fituated near those kilns and fires, and especially to the leeward of them, and not at all far off to wind Thofe who have read Voltaire's account will, no doubt, obferve in it a confiderable anachronifm. It makes the imprisonment of his unknown perjon as early as the administration of Cardinal F Mazarine, and his death in 1704, whereas Cardinal Mazarine died before Lewis the dauphin, fon to Lewis XIV. was born; and confequently as the duke de Vermandois is here reprefented nearly of the fame age with the dauphin, M. Voltaire muit be mistaken. I am, Sir, Yours, &c. Y.D. Letter from a Gentleman in Virginia, 1 Have tranfcribed a paffage from a manufcript in my hands, which treats of the weather here, and fome uncommon phenomena relating to it, not before, as I know of, taken notice of by any writer. The author fays, he can't omit taking notice of a very particular fort of wea which requently happens here, C H ward, Nature and Caufe of the Smoaky Weather. C ward, the contrary of which is by ex'perience true; for it never happens but when the wind (if any stirring) blows from fome point between the Eaft fouthwardly and the Weft, and then equally A overfpreads in all places, as well those which happen to lie to the windward of the tar-burners, as to the leeward of them; and upon the wind fhifting to fome point between the West and North Eaft, or the falling of a brisk shower of rain, it inftantly vanishes and difappears. B Further, I verily believe, if it were to be inquired into, it would be found, that this fort of weather happens when not one fingle tar-kiln is on fire, or any Indians uing that fort of hunting. Now, in my opinion, it is a kind of highly rarefied fog, or fufpended vapours, whofe minute particles, or vesicule of water, are kept at too great a distance to coalefce, or out of the fphere of each other's attractive power, by the fubtile, active element of fire, and intermixed alfo with dry, fulphureous exhalations. To fupport which opinion I fhall offer only two or three short hints: as, firft, the air is remarkably foft, mild, and warm; the odours froni flowers, herbs, and other odoriferous bodies, are much more perceptible during the continuance of this weather, than in any other, except rainy, or an apparent grofs, moist air; fecondly, its immediate diffipation with a cool, brifk, condenfing wind; and, laftly, the entire abfence of rain, or any collection of aqueous particles to form clouds; and the red appearance of the heavenly bodies, when declining from the zenith, all the time it lasts. D F 263 the hilt of a mourning fword, or steel mourning buckles. Obfervations on the above Phenomena of the Weather. The Smoaky weather feems neither to proceed from the tar-kilns, nor the Indians hunting, nor from a yet more likely caufe, the burning of the long grafs in fome parts of the back fettlements of our colonies, which, I am told, is often done at certain feafons of the year, in order to mend the fucceeding herbage, for the benefit of hunting parties, traders, &c. But it arifes merely from a great calm, fuddenly fucceeding moift and fomewhat warm feasons. For the earth being heated more or lefs by the fun, fends up large quantities of vapours; thefe, condenied by the tranquil atmosphere, unite into particles too large to render vifion clear, and too light to fall down in mift or rain. The moment the wind fhifts to a cooler quarter, the particles coalefce, as the writer obferves, and rain entues, that is, they become rain. A woody country, with vales of a rich black mould, wil be always, cæteris paribus, most liable to fuch phænomena, on the borders of fwamps, and near the fea, in profound calm weather; and fuch feafons must be extremely difpiriting to the inhabitants, rendering them indolent, lifelets, and fubject to putrid fevers, during its continuance. A Letter from a Gentleman at Paris to his Friend at Toulon, concerning a very extraordinary Experiment in Electricity, dated May 14, 1752. This manufcript contains fome other obfervations upon the country and weaobfervat whirlwinds, horizontal light-mut ridiculed Mr Franklin's as ning, &c. Yours, &c. P. C. P.S. In the Gent. Mag. for April, 1750. p. 176. after defcribing the humming-bird, with its neft, &c. it is taid, this is only fpecies of the hummingbird that vifits the English colonies in North America." And it is indeed the only fort that I ever faw; but a gentleman, who lives upon Pamptico river, in North Carolina, who is a kind of virtuofo, and, I think, feemingly a man of veracity, was here with me laft fummer, and difcourfing about the various forts of humming birds, he aflured me that he had frequently feen a fort of that bird flying from flower to flower in his garden, which was different from ours defcribed in the Mag. aforefaid, and whose colour all over he compared to that of remember, project for emptying clouds of their thunder, and that we could fcarce conceive him to be any other than an imaginary Being. This now proves us to be but poor virtuofi; for yefG terday I met a learned gentleman of the academy, who affured me that the experiment had been very lately tried with fuccefs. You may fuppofe I could fcarce think him ferious; however, I found that a memoir read at one of their aflemblies had made fo extraordinary an Himpreflion upon him, that I began myfelf to abate of my incredulity. I cannot recollect every particular, but the chief circumftances are thefe: M. Dalibard, who lately published Mr Franklin's letters in French, and frequently exhibits his experiments, was deter |