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last few years to 6 or 8,000 lbs. In the mean vote for it to secure the life of the American Systime our manufactories were growing up; and tem ; to give a proof of their regard for the South; having no supply of indigo at home, they had to to show that the country south of the Potomac import from abroad. In 1826 this importation is included in the bill for some other purpose beamounted to 1,150,000 lbs., costing a fraction less sides that of oppression. The South itself, althan two millions of dollars, and had to be paid though opposed to the further increase of duties, for almost entirely in ready money, as it was should vote for this duty; that the bill, if it chiefly obtained from places where American pro- passes, may contain one provision favorable to its duce was in no demand. Upon this state of interests. The West should vote for it through facts, Mr. B. conceived it to be the part of a wise gratitude for fifty years of guardian protection, and prudent policy to follow the example of the generous defence, and kind assistance, which the British parliament in the reign of George II. and South had given it under all its trials; and for provide a home supply of this indispensable ar- the purpose of enlarging the market, increasing ticle. Our manufacturers now paid a high price the demand in the South and its ability to purfor fine indigo, no less than $2 50 per pound, as chase the horses, mules, and provisions which the testified. by one of themselves before the Com-West can sell nowhere else. For himself he had mittee on Manufactures raised in the House of personal reasons for wishing to do this little jusRepresentatives. The duty which he proposed tice to the South. He was a native of one of was only 40 per cent. upon that value, and would these States (N. Carolina)—the bopes of his fanot even reach that rate for four years. It was ther and his grandfathers rested there. Her less than one half the duty which the same bill Senators and Representatives were his early and proposed to lay instanter upon the very cloth his hereditary friends. The venerable Senator which this indigo was intended to dye. In the before him (Mr. Macon) had been the friend of enil it would make all indigo come cheaper to the him and his, through four generations in a manufacturer, as the home supply would soon be straight line; the other Senator (Mr. Branch) equal, if not superior to the demand; and in the was his schoolfellow: the other branch of the mean time, it could not be considered a tax on legislature, the House of Representatives, also the manufacturer, as he would levy the advance showed him in the North Carolina delegation, which he had to pay, with a good interest, upon the friends of him and his through successive the wearer of the cloth.

generations. Nor was this all. He felt for the “Mr. B. then went into an exposition of the sad changes which had taken place in the South reasons for encouraging the home production of in the last fifty years. Before the Revolution it indigo, and showed that the life of the American was the seat of wealth as well as of hospitality. System depended upon it. Neither cotton nor Money, and all that it commanded, abounded woollen manufactures could be carried on with- there. But how now? All this is reversed. out indigo. The consumption of that article was “Wealth has fled from the South, and settled prodigious. Even now, in the infant state of our in the regions north of the Potomac, and this in manufactories, the importation was worth two the midst of the fact that the South, in four staples willions of dollars: and must soon be worth | alone, in cotton, tobacco, rice and indigo (while double or treble that sum. For this great sup- indigo was one of its staples), had exported proply of an indispensable article, we were chiefly duce since the Revolution, to the value of eight indebted to the alo riv and vigilant hundred million of dollars, and the North had enemy, of these very manufactures, to Great Bri- exported comparatively nothing. This sum was tain herself. Of the 1,150,000 lbs. of indigo im- prodigious; it was nearly equal to half the coinported, we bring 620,000 lbs. from the British age of the mint of Mexico since the conquest by East Indies; which one word from the British Cortez. It was twice or thrice the amount of government would stop for ever; we bring the the product of the three thousand gold and silver further quantity of 120,000 lbs. from Manilla, a mines of Mexico, for the same period of fisty Spanish possession, which British influence and years. Such an export would indicate unparaldiplomacy could immediately stop: and the re- leled wealth; but what was the fact ? In place mainder came from different parts of South Ame- of wealth, a universal pressure for money was rica, and might be taken from us by the arts of felt; not enough for current expenses; the price diplomacy, or by a monopoly of the whole on the of all property down; the country drooping and part of our rival. A stoppage of a supply of in- languishing; towns and cities decaying; and the digo for one year, would prostrate all our manu- frugal habits of the people pushed to the verge faotories, and give them a blow from which they of universal self-denial, for the preservation of would not recover in many pears. Great Britain their family estates. Such a result is a strange could effect this stoppage to the amount of three and wonderful phenomenon. It calls upon statesfourths of the whole quantity by speaking a sin- men to inquire into the cause; and if they ingle word, and of the remainder by a slight exer- quire upon the theatre of this strange metamortion of policy, or the expenditure of a sum suffi- phosis, they will receive one universal answer cient to monopolize for one year, the purchase of from all ranks and all ages, that it is federal what South America sent into the market. legislation which has worked this ruin. Under

“Mr. B. said he expected a unanimous vote this legislation the exports of the South have in favor of his amendment. The North should been made the basis of the federal revenue. The

twenty odd millions annually levied upon im- the goods; from whom he levies, with a good
ported goods, are deducted out of the price of interest on the price of the cloths, all that he ex-
their cotton, rice and tobacco, either in the dimi-pends in the purchase of materials. For once,
nished price which they receive for these staples said Mr. B., I expect a unanimous vote on a clause
in foreign ports, or in the increased price which in the tariff. This indigo clause must have the
they pay for the articles they have to consume singular and unprecedented honor of an unani-
at home. Virginia, the two Carolinas and Georgia, mous voice in its favor. The South must vote for it,
may be said to defray three fourths of the annual to revive the cultivation of one of its most ancient
expense of supporting the federal government; and valuable staples; the West must vote for it
and of this great sum annually furnished by them, through gratitude for past favors—through grati-
nothing, or next to nothing, is returned to them tude for the vote on hemp this night*--and to
in the shape of government expenditure. That save, enlarge, and increase the market for its own
expenditure flows in an opposite direction; it productions; the North must vote for it to show
flows northwardly, in one uniform, uninterrupted their disinterestedness; to give one proof of just
and perennial stream; it takes the course of trade feeling towards the South; and, above all, to
and of exchange; and this is the reason why save their favorite American System from the
wealth disappears from the South and rises up in deadly blow which Great Britain can at any mo-
the North. Federal legislation does all this; it ment give it by stopping or interrupting the sup-
does it by the simple process of eternally taking plies of foreign indigo; and the whole Union, the
away from the South, and returning nothing to entire legislative body, must vote for it, and vote
it. If it returned to the South the whole, or for it with joy and enthusiasm, because it is im-
even a good part of what it exacted, the four possible that Americans can deny to sister States
States south of the Potomac might stand the of the Confederacy what a British King and a
action of this system, as the earth is enabled to British Parliament granted to these same States
stand the exhausting influence of the sun's daily when they were colonies and dependencies of the
heat by the refreshing dews which are returned British crown."
to it at night; but as the earth is dried up, and
all vegetation destroyed in regions where the Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, seconded my
heat is great, and no dews returned, so must the motion in a speech of which this is an extract:
South be exhausted of its money and its pro-
perty by a course of legislation which is for ever “Mr. Hayne said he was opposed to this bill
taking from it, and never returning any thing to in its principles as well as in its details. It could
it.

assume no shape which would make it accepta“Every new tariff increases the force of this ble to him, or which could prevent it from opeaction. No tariff has ever yet included Virginia, rating most oppressively and unjustly on his the two Carolinas, and Georgia, within its pro- constituents. With these views, he had detervisions, except to increase the burdens imposed mined to make no motion to amend the bill in upon them. This one alone, presents the oppor- any respect whatever ; but when such motions tunity to form an exception, by reviving and re

were made by others, and he was compelled to storing the cultivation of one of its ancient sta- vote on them, he knew no better rule than to ples, -one of the sources of its wealth before the endeavor to make the bill consistent with itself

. Revolution. The tariff of 1828 owes this repara-On this principle he had acted in all the votes he tion to the South, because the tariff of 1816 con- had given on this bill. He had endeavored to tributed to destroy the cultivation of indigo ; carry out to its legitimate consequences what sunk the duty on the foreign article, from twenty-gentlemen are pleased to miscall the “ American five to fifteen cents per pound. These are the System.' With a fixed resolution to vote against reasons for imposing the duty on indigo, now pro- the bill, he still considered himself at liberty to posed. What objections can possibly be raised assist in so arranging the details as to extend to to it? Not to the quality ; for it is the same every great interest, and to all portions of the which laid the foundation of the British manu-country, as far as may be practicable, equal profactures, and sustained their reputation for more tection, and to distribute the burdens of the than half a century; not to the quantity ; for system equally, in order that its benefits as well the two Carolinas and Georgia alone raised as as its evils may be fully tested. On this prinmuch fifty years ago as we now import, and we ciple, he should vote for the amendment of the have now the States of Louisiana, Alabama, and gentleman from Missouri, because it was in strict Mississippi, and the Territories of Florida and Ar-conformity with all the principles of the bill. As kansas, to arld to the countries which produce it; a southern man, he would ask no boon for the not to the amount of the duty ; for its maximum South-he should propose nothing; but he must will be but forty per cent., only one half of the say that the protection of indigo rested on the duty laid by this bill on the cloth it is to dye; same principles as every other article proposed and that maximum. not immediate, but attained by slow degrees at the end of four years, in order

* "The voto on hemp this night." In rejecting Mr. Webto give time for the domestic article to supply the ster's motion to strike out the duty on hemp. and a vote in place of the imported. And after all, it is not a which the South went unanimously with the West. — Note dy duty on the manufacturer, but on the wearer of

a

Mr. B.

to be protected by this bill, and he did not see about twenty per centum on the cost of the arhow gentlemen could, consistently with their ticle, and that only to be attained after a promaxims, vote against it. What was the principle on which this bill was professedly founded ? *If gression of ten years; while all other duties in there was any principle at all in the bill, it was the bill were from four to ten times that amount that, whenever the country had the capacity to -and to take effect immediately. A duty so produce an article with which any imported ar- contemptible, so out of proportion to the other ticle could enter into competition, the domestic product was to be protected by a duty. Now, provisions of the bill, and doled out in such mishad the Southern States the capacity to produce erable drops, was a mockery and insult; and so indigo ? The soil and climate of those States viewed by the southern members. It increased were well suited to the culture of the article. At the odiousness of the bill, by showing that the the commencement of the Revolution our exports southern section of the Union was only included of the article amounted to no less than 1,100,000 lbs. The whole quantity now imported into the in the “ American System ” for its burdens, and United States is only 1,150,000 lbs.; so that the not for its benefits. Mr. McDuffie, in the House capacity of the country to produce a sufficient of Representatives, inveighed bitterly against it, quantity of indigo to supply the wants of the and spoke the general feeling of the Southern manufacturers is unquestionable. It is true that the quantity now produced in the country is not States when he said : great. “In 1818 only 700 lbs. of domestic indigo were

“Sir, if the union of these States shall ever be exported.

severed, and their liberties subverted, the histo* In 1825 9,955

do.

rian who records these disasters will have to as" In 1826 5,289

do.

cribe them to measures of this description. I do “ This proves that the attention of the country sincerely believe that neither this government is now directed to the subject. The senator from nor any free government, can exist for a quarter Indiana, in some remarks which he made on this of a century, under such a system of legislation. subject yesterday, stated that, according to the Its inevitable tendency is to corrupt, not only the principles of the American System (so called), public functionaries, but all those portions of the protection was not extended to any article which Union and classes of society who have an interest, the country was not in the habit of exporting. real or imaginary, in the bounties it provides. by This is entirely a mistake. Of the articles pro- taxing other sections and other classes. What, tected by the tariff of 1824, as well as those in- sir, is the essential characteristic of a freeman cluded in this bill, very few are exported at all

. It is that independence which results from an Among these are iron, woollens, hemp, flax, and habitual reliance upon his own resources and his several others. If indigo is to be protected at all, own labor for his support. He is not in fact a the duties proposed must surely be considered freeman, who habitually looks to the government extremely reasonable, the maximum proposed for pecuniary bounties. And I confess that no being much below that imposed by this bill on thing in the conduct of those who are the promiwool, woollens, and other articles.

The duty on

nent advocates of this system, has excited more indigo till 1816, was 25 cents per pound. It was

apprehension and alarm in my mind, than the then (in favor of the manufacturers) reduced to constant efforts made by all of them, from the 15 cents. The first increase of duty proposed Secretary of the Treasury down to the humblest here, is only to put back the old duty of 25 cents coadjutor, to impress upon the public mind, the per pound, equal to an ad valorem duty of from idea that national prosperity and individual 10 to 15 per cent.—and the maximum is only wealth are to be derived, not from individual infrom 40 to 58 per cent. ad valorem, and that will dustry and economy, but from government bounnot accrue for several years to come. With this

ties. An idea more fatal to liberty could not be statement of facts, Mr. H. said he would leave inculcated. I said, on another occasion, that the the question in the hands of those gentlemen days of Roman liberty were numbered when the who were engaged in giving this bill the form in people consented to receive bread from the pubwhich it is to be submitted to the final decision lic granaries. From that moment it was not the of the Senate.”

patriot who had shown the greatest capacity and

made the greatest sacrifices to serve the republic, The proposition for this duty on imported indigo but the demagogue who would promise to disdid not prevail. In lieu of the amount proposed, provinces, that was elevated to office by a degen

tribute most profusely the spoils of the plundered and which was less than any protective duty in erate and mercenary populace. Every thing be the bill, the friends of the “ American System" came venal, even in the country of Fabricius, un(constituting a majority of the Senate) substi- til finally the empire itself was sold at public tuted a nominal duty of five cents on the pound dency of the system we are discussing? It bears

auction! And what, sir, is the nature aud ten-to be increased five cents annually for ten an analogy, but too lamentably striking, to that years—and to remain at fifty. This was only which corrupted the republican purity of the Roman people. God forbid that it should con- turning event. The year 1816 was the starting summate its triumph over the public liberty, by point: 1820, and 1824, and now 1828, having a similar catastrophe, though even that is an event by no means improbable, if we continue to

successively renewed the measure, with succeslegislate periodically in this way, and to connect sive augmentations of duties. The South bethe election of our Chief Magistrate with the lieved itself impoverished to enrich the North question of dividing out the spoils of certain by thi system; and certainly a singular and States-degraded into Roman provinces-among the influential capitalists of the other States of unexpected result had been seen in these two this Union ! Sir, when I consider that, by a

sections. In the colonial state, the Southern single act like the present, from five to ten mil- were the rich part of the colonies, and expected lions of dollars may be transferred annually from to do well in a state of independence. They had one part of the community to another; when I the exports, and felt secure of their prosperity: consider the disguise of disinterested patriotism under which the basest and most profligate am not so of the North, whose agricultural resources bition may perpetrate such an act of injustice vere few, and who expected privations from the and political prostitution, I cannot hesitate, for a loss of British favor. But in the first half cenmoment, to pronounce this very system of indirect bounties, the most stupendous instrument tury after Independence this expectation was of corruption ever placed in the hands of public reversed. The wealth of the North was enorfunctionaries. It brings ambition and avarice mously aggrandized: that of the South had deand wealth into a combination, which it is fearful clined. Northern towns had become great cities: to contemplate, because it is almost impossible to Southern cities had decayed, or become stationresist. Do we not perceive, at this very moment, the extraordinary and melancholy spectacle of ary; and Charleston, the principal port of the less than one hundred thousand capitalists, by South, was less considerable than before the means of this unhallowed combination, exercising Revolution. The North became a money-lender an absolute and despotic control over the opin- to the South, and southern citizens made pilions of eight millions of free citizens, and the fortunes and destinies of ten millions ? Sir, I grimages to northern cities, to raise money upon will not anticipate or forebode evil. I will 'not the hypothecation of their patrimonial estates. permit myself to believe that the Presidency of And this in the face of a southern export since the United States will ever be bought and sold, the Revolution to the value of eight hundred by this system of bounties and prohibitions. But I must say that there are certain quarters of this millions of dollars !—a sum equal to the product Union in which, if a candidate for the Presidency of the Mexican mines since the days of Cortez! were to come forward with the Harrisburg tariff and twice or thrice the amount of their product in his hand, nothing could resist his pretensions, in the same fifty years. The Southern States if his adversary were opposed to this unjust sys- attributed this result to the action of the federal tem of oppression. Yes, sir, that bill would be a talisman which would give a charmed existence government-its double action of levying reveto the candidate who would pledge himself to nue upon the industry of one section of the support it. And although he were covered with Union and expending it in another—and espeall the “multiplying villanies of nature,” the most immaculate patriot and profound statesman cially to its protective tariffs. To some degree in the nation could hold no competition with him, this attribution was just, but not to the degree if he should refuse to grant this new species of assumed ; which is evident from the fact that the imperial donative.”

protective system had then only been in force for Allusions were constantly made to the combi- a short time--since the year 1816; and the renation of manufacturing capitalists and poli- versed condition of the two sections of the Union ticians in pressing this bill. There was evident- had commenced before that time. Other causes ly foundation for the imputation. The scheme must have had some effect: but for the present of it had been conceived in a convention of man- we look to the protective system; and, without ufacturers in the State of Pennsylvania, and had admitting it to have done all the mischief of been taken up by politicians, and was pushed as which the South complained, it had yet done a party measure, and with the visible purpose enough to cause it to be condemned by every of influencing the presidential election. In fact friend to equal justice among the States—by these tariff bills, each exceeding the other in its every friend to the harmony and stability of the degree of protection, had become a regular ap- Union-by all who detested sectional legislation pendage of our presidential elections-coming - by every enemy to the mischievous combinaround in every cycle of four years, wit re- tion of partisan politics with national legislation.

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DONATIONS TO SETTLERS.

And this was the feeling with the mass of the Thus would fall an expensive agency, with all democratic members who voted for the tariff of the influence which attends it.” 1828, and who were determined to act upon that I do not know how old, or rather, how young feeling upon the overthrow of the political party I was, when I first took up the notion that sales which advocated the protective system; and of land by a government to its own citizens, and which overthrow they believed to be certain at to the highest bidder, was false policy; and that the ensuing presidential election.

gratuitous grants to actual settlers was the true policy, and their labor the true way of extracting national wealth and strength from the soil. It might have been in childhood, when reading the Bible, and seeing the division of the prom

ised land among the children of Israel: it might CHAPTER XXXV. have been later, and in learning the operation of

the feudal system in giving lands to those who TIIE PUBLIC LANDS—THEIR PROPER DISPOSITION would defend them: it might have been in early -GRADUATED PRICES - PRE-EMPTION RIGHTS, life in Tennessee, in seeing the fortunes and re

spectability of many families derived from the About the year 1785 the celebrated Edmund 640 acre head-rights which the State of North Burke brought a bill into the British House of Carolina had bestowed upon the first settlers. Commons for the sale of the crown lands, in It was certainly before I had read the speech of which he laid down principles in political econ- Burke from which the extract above is taken ; omy, in relation to such property, profoundly for I did not see that speech until 1826; and sagacious in themselves, applicable to all sove- seventeen years before that time, when a very reign landed possessions, whether of kings or young member of the General Assembly of republics-applicable in all countries—and no- Tennessee, I was fully imbued with the doctrine where more applicable and less known or ob- of donations to settlers, and acted upon the prinserved, than in the United States. In the course ciple that was in me, as far as the case admitted, of the speech in support of his bill he said: in advocating the pre-emption claims of the set“ Lands sell at the current rate, and nothing

tlers on Big and Little Pigeon, French Broad, can sell for more. But be the price what it may, and Nolichucky. And when I came to the then a great object is always answered, whenever any Territory of Missouri in 1815, and saw land exproperty is transferred from hands which are not posed to sale to the highest bidder, and lead fit for that property, to those that are. The buyer and the seller must mutually profit by

mines and salt springs reserved from sale, and such a bargain; and, what rarely happens in rented out for the profit of the federal treasury, matters of revenue, the relief of the subject will I felt repugnance to the whole system, and dego hand in hand with the profit of the Exchequer. termined to make war upon it whenever I should

The revenue to be derived from the have the power. The time came round with my sale of the forest lands will not be so considerable as many have imagined; and I conceive it election to the Senate of the United States in would be unwise to screw it up to the utmost, 1820: and the years 1824, '26, and '28, found or even to suffer bidders to enhance, according me doing battle for an ameliorated system of to their eagerness, the purchase of objects, disposing of our public lands; and with some wherein the expense of that purchase may weaken the capital to be employed in their culti

The pre-emption system was estabvation. * * The principal revenue which I lished, though at first the pre-emption claimant propose to draw from thes uncultivated wastes, was stigmatized as a trespasser, and repulsed as is to spring from the improvement and popula- a criminal; the reserved lead mines and salt tion of the kingdom; events infinitely more advantageous to the rerenues of the crown than springs, in the State of Missouri, were brought the rents of the best landed estate which it can into market, like other lands; iron ore lands, in

It is thus I would dispose of the tended to have been withheld from sale, were unprofitable landed estates of the crown: throw rescued from that fate, and brought into market. them into the mass of private property: by Still the two repulsive features of the federal which they will come, through the course of circulation and through the political secretions of land system-sales to the highest bidder, and the State, into well-regulated revenue. * donations to no one-with an arbitrary minimum

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