con We had a policy then-the result of thought, of judgment, and of experience: a navy for defence, and not for conquest: and, consequently, finable to a limited number of ships, adequate to their defensive object-instead of thousands, aiming at the dominion of the seas. That policy was overthrown by the success of our naval combats during the war; and the idea of a great navy became popular, without any definite view of its cost and consequences. Admiration for good fighting did it, without having the same effect on the military policy. Our army fought well also, and excited admiration; but without subverting the policy which interdicted standing armies in time of peace. The army was cut down in peace: the navy was building up in peace. In this condition President Jackson found the two branches of the service-the army reduced by two successive reductions from a large body to a very small one-6000 men-and although illustrated with military glory yet refusing to recommend an army increase: the navy, from a small one during the war, becoming large during the peace-gradual increase the lawship-building the active process, and rotting down the active effect; and thus we have been going on for near forty years. Correspondent to his army policy was that of President Jackson in relation to the navy; he proposed a pause in the process of ship-building and shiprotting. He recommended a total cessation of the further building of vessels of the first and second class-ships of the line, and frigateswith a collection of materials for future use and the limitation of our naval policy to the object of commercial protection. He did not even include coast defence, his experience having shown him that the men on shore could defend the land. In a word, he recommended a naval policy; and that was the same which the republicans of 1798 had adopted, and which Virginia made obligatory upon her senators in 1800; and which, under the blaze of shining victories, had yielded to the blind, and aimless, and endless operation of building and rotting peaceful ships of war. He said: the case with many of our finest vessels; which, though unfinished, will now require immense sums of money to be restored to the condition in which they were, when committed to their proper element. On this subject there can be but little doubt that our best policy would be, to discontinue the building of ships of the first and second class, and look rather to the possession of ample materials, prepared for the emergencies of war, than to the number of vessels which we can float in a season of peace, as the index of our naval power." This was written twenty years ago, and by a President who saw what he described—many of finished-demanding repairs before they had our finest ships going to decay before they were sailed-and costing millions for which there was no return. We have been going on at the same rate ever since-building, and rotting, and sinking millions; but little to show for forty years of ship-carpentry; and that little nothing to do but to cruise where there is nothing to catch, and to carry out ministers to foreign courts who are not quite equal to the Franklins, Adamses and Jeffersons-the Pinckneys, Rufus Kings, and Marshalls-the Clays, Gallatins and Bayards-that went out in common merchant vessels. Mr. Jefferson told me that this would be the case twenty-five years ago when naval glory overturned national policy, and when a navy board was created to facilitate ship-construction. But this is a subject which will require a chapter of its own, and is only incidentally mentioned now to remark that we have no policy with respect to a navy, and ought to have one-that there is no middle point between defence and but wars with the world,—and the debt, taxes, conquest-and no sequence to a conquering navy pension list, and pauper list of Great Britain. The inutility of a Bank of the United States as a furnisher of a sound and uniform currency, and of questionable origin under our constitution, was thus stated: "The charter of the Bank of the United States expires in 1836, and its stockholders will most probably apply for a renewal of their privileges. In order to avoid the evils resulting from precipitancy in a measure involving such important principles, and such deep pecuniary interests, I In time of peace, we have need of no more feel that I cannot, in justice to the parties intersps of war than are requisite to the protection ested, too soon present it to the deliberate conof our commerce. Those not wanted for this sideration of the legislature and the people. object must lay in the harbors, where, without Both the constitutionality and the expediency of proper covering, they rapidly decay; and, even the law creating this bank, are well queser the best precautions for their preserva- tioned by a large portion of our fellow-citizens; tion must soon become useless. Such is already and it must be admitted by all, that it has failed in the great end of establishing a uniform and sound currency." of politics and tariffs-and the duty of retrenchment by discontinuing and abolishing all useless offices. In a word, it was a message of the old republican school, in which President Jackson had been bred; and from which he had never departed; and which encouraged the young disciples of democracy, and consoled the old surviv This is the clause which party spirit, and bank tactics, perverted at the time (and which has gone into history), into an attack upon the bank-a war upon the bank-with a bad motive attributed for a war so wanton. At the same time nothing could be more fair, and just, ing fathers of that school. CHAPTER XLII. THE RECOVERY OF THE DIRECT TRADE WITH THE recovery of this trade had been a large object with the American government from the time of its establishment. As British colonies we enjoyed it before the Revolution; as revolted colonies we lost it; and as an independent nation we sought to obtain it again. The position of these islands, so near to our ports and shores and more in consonance with the constitution which requires the President to make the legislative recommendations which he believes to be proper. It was notice to all concerned-the bank on one side, and the people on the other-that there would be questions, and of high importconstitutionality and expediency-if the present corporators, at the expiration of their charter, should apply for a renewal of their privileges. It was an intimation against the institution, not against its administrators, to whom a compliment was paid in another part of the same message, in ascribing to the help of their "judicious arrangement" the averting of the mercantile pressure which might otherwise have resulted from the sudden withdrawal of the twelve and a half millions which had just been taken from the bank and applied to the payment of the public debt. But of this hereafter. The receipts and expenditures were stated, respectively, for the preceding year, and estimated for the current year, the former at a fraction over twenty-four and a half millions-ductions which we received in return, and the the latter a fraction over twenty-six millions-with large balances in the treasury, exhibiting the constant financial paradox, so difficult to be understood, of permanent annual balances with an even, or even deficient revenue. The passage of the message is in these words: the character of the exports they received from us, being almost entirely the product of our farms and forests, and their large amount, always considerable, and of late some four millions of dollars per annum-the tropical pro large employment it gave to our navigation— all combined to give a cherished value to this branch of foreign trade, and to stimulate our government to the greatest exertions to obtain and secure its enjoyment; and with the advantage of being carried on by our own vessels. "The balance in the treasury on the 1st of But these were objects not easily attainable, January, 1829, was five millions nine hundred and never accomplished until the administration and seventy-two thousand four hundred and of President Jackson. All powers are jealous thirty-five dollars and eighty-one cents. The receipts of the current year are estimated at of alien intercourse with their colonies, and have twenty-four millions, six hundred and two thou-a natural desire to retain colonial trade in their sand, two hundred and thirty dollars, and the expenditures for the same time at twenty-six millions one hundred and sixty-four thousand five hundred and ninety-five dollars; leaving a balance in the treasury on the 1st of January next, of four millions four hundred and ten thousand and seventy dollars, eighty-one cents." own hands, both for commercial and political reasons; and have a perfect right to do so if they please. Partial and conditional admission to trade with their colonies, or total exclusion from them, is in the discretion of the mother country; and any participation in their trade Other recommendations contained the sound by virtue of treaty stipulations or legislative democratic doctrines-speedy and entire extinc-enactment, is the result of concession-generaltion of the public debt-reduction of custom-ly founded in a sense of self-interest, or at best house duties equal and fair incidental protec-in a calculation of mutual advantage. No less tion to the great national interests (agriculture, than six negotiations (besides several attempts manufactures and commerce)—the disconnection at "concerted legislation") had been carried on "If to the actual footing of our commerce and navigation in the British European dominions from the United States to the British West Incould be added the privilege of carrying directly dies in our own bottoms generally, or of certain between the United States and Great Britain on this subject; and all, until the second year of General Jackson's administration, resulting in nothing more than limited concessions for a year, or for short terms; and sometimes cou-specified burthens, the articles which by the Act pled with conditions which nullified the privilege. It was a primary object of concern with General Washington's administration; and a knowledge of the action then had upon it elucidates both the value of the trade, the difficulty of getting admission to its participation, and the An article was inserted in the treaty in conright of Great Britain to admit or deny its en- formity to these principles—our carrying vessels joyment to others. General Washington had limited in point of burthen to seventy tons and practical knowledge on the subject. He had under; the privilege limited in point of duration seen it enjoyed, and lost-enjoyed as British to the continuance of the then existing war besubjects, lost as revolted colonies and inde- tween Great Britain and the French Republic, pendent states—and knew its value, both from and to two years after its termination; and rethe use and the loss, and was most anxious to stricted in the return cargo both as to the narecover it. It was almost the first thing, in our ture of the articles and the port of their destinaforeign relations, to which he put his hand on tion. These were hard terms, and precarious becoming President; and literally did he put and the article containing them was "suspended" his hand to it. For as early as the 14th of Oc-by the Senate in the act of ratification, in the tober, 1789—just six months after his inaugura-hope to obtain better; and are only quoted here tion—in a letter of unofficial instructions to Mr. in order to show that this direct trade to the Gouverneur Morris, then in Europe, written with his own hand (requesting him to sound the British government on the subject of a commercial treaty with the United States), a point of Parliament, 28, Geo. III., chap. 6, may be carried thither in British bottoms, and of bringing them thence directly to the United States in American bottoms, this would afford an acceptable basis of treaty for a term not exceeding fifteen years." that he made was to ascertain their views in re lation to allowing us the "privilege" of this trade. Privilege was his word, and the instruction ran thus: "Let it be strongly impressed on your mind that the privilege of carrying our productions in our own vessels to their islands, and bringing, in return, the productions of those lands to our ports and markets, is regarded Lere as of the highest importance," &c. It was a prominent point in our very first negetation with Great Britain in 1794; and the structions to Mr. Jay, in May of that year, shows that admission to the trade was then sely asked as a privilege, as in the year '89, and upon terms of limitation and condition. This is so material to the right understanding of this question, and to the future history of the case and especially of a debate and vote in the Sate, of which President Jackson's instrucas through Mr. Van Buren on the same subit was made the occasion, that I think it right to give the instructions of President Washingto Mr. Jay in his own words. They were British West Indies was, from the beginning of our federal government, only sought as a privilege, to be obtained under restrictions and limitations, and subordinately to British policy and tiation; five others were had in the ensuing legislation. This was the end of the first negocerted legislation "—all ending either abortively, thirty years, besides repeated attempts at "conor in temporary and unsatisfactory arrange ments. The most important of these attempts was in the years 1822 and 1823: and as it forms an es case, sential item in the history of this give its particulars, adopting for that purpose "During the session of 1822, Congress was infor the opening of the colonial ports to the comformed that an act was pending in Parliament merce of the United States. In consequence, an act was passed authorizing the President (then Mr. Monroe), in case the act of Parliament was Gallatin was instructed to waive temporarily satisfactory to him, to open the ports of the the demand of right, and accept the privilege United States to British vessels by his procla- offered by the act of 1825. But in the mean mation. The act of Parliament was deemed satisfactory, and a proclamation was accordingly time the year allowed in the act for its acceptissued, and the trade commenced. Unfortunate-ance had expired, and Mr. Gallatin was told ly for our commerce, and I think contrary to that his offer was too late! To that answer the justice, a treasury circular issued, directing the British ministry adhered; and, from the month collectors to charge British vessels entering our ports with the alien tonnage and discriminating duties. This order was remonstrated against by the British minister (I think Mr. Vaughan). The trade, however, went on uninterrupted. Congress met, and a bill was drafted in 1823 by Mr. Adams, then Secretary of State, and passed both Houses, with little, if any, debate. I voted for it, believing that it met, in a spirit of reciprocity, the British act of Parliament. This bill, however, contained one little word, "elsewhere," which completely defeated all our expectations. It was noticed by no one. The senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Webster) may have understood its effect. If he did so understand it, he was silent. The effect of that word "elsewhere" was of July, 1826, the direct trade to the British West Indies was lost to our citizens, leaving them no mode of getting any share in that trade, either in sending out our productions or receiving theirs, but through the expensive, tedious, and troublesome process of a circuitous voyage and the intervention of a foreign vessel. The shock and dissatisfaction in the United States were extreme at this unexpected bereavement; and that dissatisfaction entered largely into the political feelings of the day, and became a point of attack on Mr. Adams's administration, and an element in the presidential canvass which ended in his defeat. to assume the pretensions alluded to in the instructions to Mr. McLane. (Pretension to a "right" in the trade.) The result was, that the In giving an account of this untoward event British government shut their colonial ports im- to his government, Mr. Gallatin gave an account mediately, and thenceforward. This act of 1822 gave us a monopoly (virtually) of the West India trade. It admitted, free of duty, a variety of articles, such as Indian corn, meal, oats, peas, and beans. The British government thought we entertained a belief that they could not do without our produce, and by their acts of the 27th June and 5th July, 1825, they opened their ports to all the world, on terms far less advantageous to the United States, than those of the act of 1822." of his final interview with Mr. Huskisson, from which it appeared that the claim of "right" on the part of the United States, on which Mr. Gallatin had been instructed to "insist," was "temporarily waived;" but without effect. Irritation, on account of old scores, as expressed by Mr Gallatin-or resentment at our pertinacious persistence to secure a "right" where the rest of the world accepted a "privilege,” as intimated by Mr. Huskisson-mixed itself with the refusal; and the British government adhered to its absolute right to regulate the foreign trade of its colonies, and to treat us as it did the rest of the world. The following are passages from Mr. Gallatin's dispatch, from London, September 11, 1827: "Mr. Huskisson said it was the intention of Such is the important statement of General Smith. Mr. Webster was present at the time, and said nothing. Both these acts were clear rights on the part of Great Britain, and that of 1825 contained a limitation upon the time within which each nation was to accept the privilege it offered, or lose the trade for ever. This legislative privilege was accepted by all nations which had any thing to send to the British West Indies, the British government to consider the interexcept the United States. Mr. Adams did not course of the British colonies as being exclusiveaccept the proffered privilege-undertook to ne-ly under its control, and any relaxation from gotiate for better terms-failed in the attempt the colonial system as an indulgence, to be and lost all. Mr. Clay was Secretary of State, Mr. Gallatin the United States Minister in London, and the instructions to him were, to insist upon it as a "right" that our produce should be admitted on the same terms on which produce from the British possessions were admitted.This was the "elsewhere," &c. The British government refused to negotiate; and then Mr. granted on such terms as might suit the policy of Great Britain at the time it was granted. I said every question of right had, on this occasion, been waived on the part of the United States, the only object of the present inquiry being to ascertain whether, as a matter of mutual convenience, the intercourse might not be opened in a manner satisfactory to both countries. He (Mr. H.) said that it had appeared as if America had entertained the opinion that the British West Indies could not exist without her supplies; and that she might, therefore, compel Great Britain to open the intercourse on any terms she pleased. I disclaimed any such belief or intention on the part of the United States. But it appeared to me, and I intimated it, indeed, to Mr. Huskisson, that he was acting rather under the influence of irritated feelings, on account of past events, than with a view to the mutual interests of both parties." sufficient in their concessions to have been rewarded by any relaxation from the British interdict. The British government have not only declined negotiation upon the subject, but, by the principle they have assumed with reference to it, have precluded even the means of negotiation. It becomes not the self-respect of the United States, either to solicit gratuitous favours, or to accept, as the grant of a favor, that for which an ample equivalent is exacted." This was the communication of Mr. Adams to This was Mr. Gallatin's last dispatch. An order in council was issued, interdicting the trade to the United States; and he returned home. Congress, and certainly nothing could be more Mr. James Barbour, Secretary at War, was sent vexatious or hopeless than the case which he to London to replace him, and to attempt again presented-an injury, an insult, a rebuff, and a refusal to talk with us upon the subject. Negothe repulsed negotiation; but without success. The British government refused to open the ques-tiation, and the hope of it, having thus terminattion: and thus the direct access to this valuable ed, President Adams did what the laws required commerce remained sealed against us. President of him, and issued his proclamation making known Adams, at the commencement of the session of to the country the total cessation of all direct comCongress, 1827-28, formally communicated this merce between the United States and the British fact to that body, and in terms which showed at West India Islands. once that an insult had been received, an injury sustained, redress refused, and ill-will established between the two governments. He said: "At the commencement of the last session of Congress, they were informed of the sudden and unexpected exclusion by the British government, of access, in vessels of the United States, to all their colonial ports, except those immediately bordering upon our own territory. "In the amicable discussions which have suc ceeded the adoption of this measure, which, as it affected harshly the interests of the United States, became a subject of expostulation on our part, the principles upon which its justification has been placed have been of a diversified character. The loss of this trade was a great injury to the United States (besides the insult), and was attended by circumstances which gave it the air of punishment for something that was past. It was a rebuff in the face of Europe; for while the United States were sternly and unceremoniously cut off from the benefit of the act of 1825, for omission to accept it within the year, yet other powers in the same predicament (France, Spain and Russia) were permitted to accept after the year; and the "irritated feelings" manifested by Mr. Huskisson indicated a resentment which was finding its gratification. We were ill-treated, and felt it. The people felt it. It was an ugly case to manage, or to endure; and in this period of its worst aspect General Jackson was elected President. It has at once been ascribed to a mere recurrence to the old long-established principle of colonial monopoly, and at the same time to a feeling of resentment, because the offers of an act of Parliament, opening the colonial ports upon certain His position was delicate and difficult. His conditions, had not been grasped at with sufficient eagerness by an instantaneous conformity to election had been deprecated as that of a rash them. At a subsequent period it has been inti- and violent man, who would involve us in quarmated that the new exclusion was in resentment, rels with foreign nations; and here was a dissenbecause a prior act of Parliament, of 1822, open- sion with a great nation lying in wait for him— ing certain colonial ports, under heavy and burdensome restrictions, to vessels of the United prepared to his hand-the legacy of his predecesStates, had not been reciprocated by an admis- sor-either to be composed satisfactorily, or to sion of British vessels from the colonies, and ripen into retaliation and hostility; for it was their cargoes, without any restriction or discrimination whatever. But, be the motive for the not to be supposed that things could remain as He had to choose between an attempt interdiction what it may, the British government they were. have manifested no disposition, either by negoti- at amicable recovery of the trade by new overation or by corresponding legislative enactments, tures, or retaliation-leading to, it is not known to recede from it; and we have been given distinctly to understand that neither of the bills what. He determined upon the first of these alwhich were under the consideration of Congress ternatives, and Mr. Louis McLane, of Delaware, at their last session, would have been deemed was selected for the delicate occasion. He was |