sent minister to London; and in renewing an gratification was general-but not universal; application which had been so lately and so cate- and these very instructions, under which such gorically rejected, some reason had to be given great and lasting advantages had been obtained, for a persistance which might seem both impor- were made the occassion in the Senate of the tunate and desperate, and even deficient in self- United States of rejecting their ostensible`author respect; and that reason was found in the simple as a minister to London. But of this hereafter. truth that there had been a change of adminis- The auspicious conclusion of so delicate an aftration in the United States, and with it a change fair was doubtless first induced by General Jackof opinion on the subject, and on the essential son's frank policy in falling back upon Washingpoint of a "right" in us to have our productions ton's ground of "privilege," in contradistinction admitted into her West Indies on the same terms to the new pretension of "right, "-helped out a as British productions were received; that we little, it may be, by the possible after-clap sugwere willing to take the trade as a "privilege," gested in the second part of his maxim. Good and simply and unconditionally, under the act of sense and good feeling may also have had its inParliament of 1825. Instructions to that effect fluence, the trade in question being as desirable had been drawn up by Mr. Van Buren, Secretary to Great Britian as to the United States, and of State, under the special directions of General better for each to carry it on direct in their own Jackson, who took this early occasion to act vessels, than circuitously in the vessels of others; upon his cardinal maxim in our foreign inter- and the articles on each side being of a kind to course: "Ask nothing but what is right—sub- | solicit mutual exchange-tropical productions on mit to nothing wrong." This frank and candid one part, and those of the temperate zone on the policy had its effect. The great object was ac- other. But there was one thing which certainly complished. The trade was recovered; and contributed to the good result, and that was the what had been lost under one administration, and act of Congress of May 29th, of which General precariously enjoyed under others, and been the Samuel Smith, senator from Maryland, was the subject of fruitless negotiation for forty years, and chief promoter; and by which the President was under six different Presidents-Washington, John authorized, on the adoption of certain measures Adams, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Quincy Ad- by Great Britian, to open the ports of the United ams—with all their accomplished secretaries and States to her vessels on reciprocal terms. The ministers, was now amicably and satisfactorily effect of this act was to strengthen General Jackobtained under the administration of General son's candid overture; and the proclamation Jackson; and upon the basis to give it perpetu- opening the trade was issued October the 5th, ity-that of mutual interest and actual recipro- 1830, in the second year of the first term of the city. The act of Parliament gave us the trade administration of President Jackson. And under on terms nearly as good as those suggested by that proclamation this long desired trade has Washington in 1789; fully as good as those been enjoyed ever since, and promises to be enasked for by him in 1794; better than those in-joyed in after time co-extendingly with the dura serted in the treaty of that year, and suspended tion of peace between the two countries. CHAPTER XLIII. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE GLOBE NEWSPAPER. by the Senate; and, though nominally on the same terms as given to the rest of the world, yet practically better, on account of our proximity to this British market; and our superabundance of articles (chiefly provisions and lumber) which it wants. And the trade has been enjoyed under this act ever since, with such entire satisfaction, that there is already an oblivion of the forty years' labor which it cost us to obtain it; and a Ar a presidential levee in the winter of 1830 generation has grown up, almost without know--'31, Mr. Duff Green, editor of the Telegraph ing to whom they are indebted for its present newspaper, addressed a person then and now a enjoyment. But it made its sensation at the respectable resident of Washington city (Mr. J time, and a great one. The friends of the Jack-M. Duncanson), and invited him to call at his son administration exulted; the people rejoiced; house, as he had something to say to him which would require a confidential interview. The call the farmers and mechanics of the country, and was made, and the object of the interview dis- made so cheap as to go into every workshop and closed, which was nothing less than to engage cabin. Mr. Duncanson was a practical printer his (Mr. Duncanson's) assistance in the execu-owned a good job office-was doing a large tion of a scheme in relation to the next presiden- business, especially for the departments-and tial election, in which General Jackson should only wished to remain as he was. Mr. Green be prevented from becoming a candidate for re-offered, in both interviews, to relieve him from election, and Mr. Calhoun should be brought for- that concern by purchasing it from him, and asward in his place. He informed Mr. Duncanson sured him that he would otherwise lose the that a rupture was impending between General printing of the departments, and be sacrificed. Jackson and Mr. Calhoun; that a correspond- Mr. Duncanson again refused to have any thing ence had taken place between them, brought to do with the scheme, consulted with some about (as he alleged) by the intrigues of Mr. friends, and caused the whole to be communicatVan Buren; that the correspondence was then ed to General Jackson. The information did not in print, but its publication delayed until certain take the General by surprise; it was only a conarrangements could be made; that the demo- firmation of what he well suspected, and had cratic papers at the most prominent points in been wisely providing against. The history of the States were to be first secured; and men well the movement in Mr. Monroe's cabinet, to bring known to the people as democrats, but in the ex-him before a military court, for his invasion of clusive interest of Mr. Calhoun, placed in charge of them as editors; that as soon as the arrangements were complete, the Telegraph would startle the country with the announcement of the difficulty (between General Jackson and Mr. Calhoun), and the motive for it; and that all the secured presses, taking their cue from the Telegraph, would take sides with Mr. Calhoun, and cry out at the same time; and the storm would seem to be so universal, and the indignation against Mr. Van Buren would appear to be so great, that even General Jackson's popularity would be unable to save him. Spanish territory during the Seminole war, had just come to his knowledge; the doctrine of nullification had just been broached in Congress; his own patriotic toast: "The Federal Union: it must be preserved"—had been delivered; his own intuitive sagacity told him all the rest-the breach with Mr. Calhoun, the defection of the Telegraph, and the necessity for a new paper at Washington, faithful, fearless and incorruptible. The Telegraph had been the central metropolitan organ of his friends and of the democratic party, during the long and bitter canvass which ended in the election of General Jackson, in 1828. Its editor had been gratified with the first rich fruits of victory-the public printing of the two Houses of Congress, the executive patronage, and the organship of the administration. The paper was still (in 1830) in its columns, and to the public eye, the advocate and supporter of General Jackson; but he knew what was to happen, and quietly took his mea sures to meet an inevitable contingency. In the summer of 1830, a gentleman in one of the public offices showed him a paper, the Frankfort (Kentucky) Argus, containing a powerful and spirited review of a certain nullification speech in Congress. He inquired for the author, ascertained him to be Mr. Francis P. Blair-not the Mr. Duncanson was then invited to take part in the execution of this scheme, and to take charge of the Frankfort (Kentucky) Argus; and flattering inducements held out to encourage him to do so. Mr. Duncanson expressed surprise and regret at all that he heard―declared himself the friend of General Jackson, and of his re-election -opposed to all schemes to prevent him from being a candidate again—a disbeliever in their success, if attempted-and made known his determination to reveal the scheme, if it was not abandoned. Mr. Green begged him not to do so -said that the plan was not fully agreed upon; and might not be carried out. This was the end of the first interview. A few days afterwards Mr. Green called on Mr. Duncanson, and inform-editor, but an occasional contributor to the Argus ed him that a rupture was now determined upon, and renewed his proposition that he should take charge of some paper, either as proprietor, or as editor on a liberal salary-one that would tell on VOL. I.-9 and had him written to on the subject of taking charge of a paper in Washington. The application took Mr. Blair by surprise. He was not thinking of changing his residence and pur suits. He was well occupied where he was- tion, if sanctioned upon inquiry and carried into clerk of the lucrative office of the State Circuit legislative effect, would have been to check emiCourt at the capital of the State, salaried presi-gration to the new States in the West-to check dent of the Commonwealth Bank (by the elec- the growth and settlement of these States and tion of the legislature), and proprietor of a farm territories-and to deliver up large portions of and slaves in that rich State. But he was devot- them to the dominion of wild beasts. In that ed to General Jackson and his measures, and did sense it was immediately taken up by myself, not hesitate to relinquish his secure advantages and other western members, and treated as an at home to engage in the untried business of injurious proposition-insulting as well as injueditor at Washington. He came-established the rious-and not fit to be considered by a comGlobe newspaper-and soon after associated with mittee, much less to be reported upon and adopJohn C. Rives,-a gentleman worthy of the ted. I opened the debate against it in a speech, association and of the confidence of General Jack-of which the following is an extract: son and of the democratic party: and under their management, the paper became the efficient and faithful organ of the administration during the whole period of his service, and that of his successor, Mr. Van Buren. It was established in time, and just in time, to meet the advancing events at Washington City. All that General Jackson had foreseen in relation to the conduct of the Telegraph, and all that had been communicated to him through Mr. Duncanson, came to pass and he found himself, early in the first term of his administration, engaged in a triple war—with nullification, the Bank of the United States, and the whig party:-and must have been without defence or support from the newspaper press at Washington had it not been for his foresight in establishing the Globe. CHAPTER XLIV. LIMITATION OF PUBLIC LAND SALES. SUSPEN- TION. Ar the commencement of the session 1829-'30, Mr. Foot, of Connecticut, submitted in the Senate a resolution of inquiry which excited much feeling among the western members of that body. It was a proposition to inquire into the expediency of limiting the sales of the public lands to those then in market-to suspend the surveys of the public lands-and to abolish the office of Surveyor General. The effect of such a resolu "Mr. Benton disclaimed all intention of having any thing to do with the motives of the mover of the resolution: he took it according to its effect and operation, and conceiving this to be of the new States and Territories, he should juseminently injurious to the rights and interests tify the view which he had taken, and the vote he intended to give, by an exposition of facts and reasons which would show the disastrous nature of the practical effects of this resolution. "On the first branch of these effects-checking emigration to the West-it is clear, that, if the sales are limited to the lands now in market. emigration will cease to flow; for these lands tance. In Missouri they are the refuse of forty are not of a character to attract people at a disyears picking under the Spanish Government, and twenty more under the Government of the United States. The character and value of this refuse had been shown, officially, in the reports of the Registers and Receivers, made in obedience to a call from the Senate. Other gentlemen would show what was said of it in their respective States; he would confine himself to his own, to the State of Missouri, and show it to be miserable indeed. The St. Louis District, containing two and a quarter millions of acres, was estimated at an average value of fifteen cents per acre; the Cape Girardeau District, containing four and a half millions of acres, was estimated at twelve and a half cents per acre; the Western District, containing one million and three quarters of acres, was estimated at sixty-two and a half cents; from the other two districts there was no intelligent or pertinent return; but assuming them to be equal to the Western District, and the average value of the lands they contain would be only one half the amount of the present minimum price. This being the state of the lands in Missouri which would be subject to sale under the operation of this resolution, no emigrants would be attracted to them. Persons who remove to new countries want new lands, first choices; and if they cannot get these, they have no sufficient inducement to move. "The second ill effect to result from this resolution, supposing it to ripen into the measures which it implies to be necessary would be in depriving the country of all the evidences of the foundations of all the land titles. This would be sweeping work; but the gentleman's plan would be incomplete without including the General Land Office in this city, the principal business of which is to superintend the five Surveyor General's offices, and for which there could be but little use after they were abolished. limiting the settlements in the new States and Territories. This limitation of settlement would be the inevitable effect of confining the sales to the lands now in market. These lands in Missouri, only amount to one third of the State. By consequence, only one third could be settled. Two thirds of the State would remain without inhabitants; the resolution says, for a certain period,' and the gentlemen, in their speeches, "These are the practical effects of the resoluexpound this certain period to be seventy-two tion. Emigration to the new States checked; years. They say seventy-two millions of acres their settlement limited; a large portion of their are now in market; that we sell but one million surface delivered up to the dominion of beasts; a year; therefore, we have enough to supply the the land records removed. Such are the injuries demand for seventy-two years. It does not en- to be inflicted upon the new States, and we, the ter their heads to consider that, if the price was senators from those States, are called upon to adapted to the value, all this seventy-two mil- vote in favor of the resolution which proposes to lions that is fit for cultivation would be sold inquire into the expediency of committing all immediately. They must go on at a million a these enormities! I, for one, will not do it. I year for seventy-two years, the Scripture term of will vote for no such inquiry. I would as soon the life of man-a long period in the age of a vote for inquiries into the expediency of conflanation; the exact period of the Babylonish cap-grating cities, of devastating provinces, and of tivity-a long and sorrowful period in the his- submerging fruitful lands under the waves of the tory of the Jews; and not less long nor less ocean. sorrowful in the history of the West, if this "I take my stand upon a great moral principle: resolution should take effect. that it is never right to inquire into the expediency of doing wrong. "The third point of objection is, that it would deliver up large portions of new States and Ter- The proposed inquiry is to do wrong; to inritories to the dominion of wild beasts. In Mis- flict unmixed, unmitigated evil upon the new souri, this surrender would be equal to two-thirds States and Territories. Such inquiries are not of the State, comprising about forty thousand to be tolerated. Courts of law will not sustain square miles, covering the whole valley of the actions which have immoral foundations; legisOsage River, besides many other parts, and ap-lative bodies should not sustain inquiries which proaching within a dozen miles of the centre and have iniquitous conclusions. Courts of law make capital of the State. All this would be deliver-it an object to give public satisfaction in the aded up to wild beasts: for the Indian title is ex-ministration of justice; legislative bodies should tinguished, and the Indians gone; the white people would be excluded from it; beasts alone would take it; and all this in violation of the Divine command to replenish the earth, to increase and multiply upon it, and to have dominion over the beasts of the forest, the birds of the air, the fish in the waters, and the creeping things of the earth. "The fourth point of objection is, in the removal of the land records-the natural effect of abolishing all the offices of the Surveyors General. These offices are five in number. It is proposed to abolish them all, and the reason assigned in debate is, that they are sinecures; that is to say, offices which have revenues and no employment. This is the description of a sinecure. We have one of these offices in Missouri, and I know something of it. The Surveyor General, Colonel McRee, in point of fidelity to his trust, belongs to the school of Nathaniel Macon; in point of science and intelligence, he belongs to the first order of men that Europe or America contains. He and his clerks carry labor and drudgery to the ultimate point of human exertion, and still fall short of the task before them; and this is an office which it is proposed to abolish under the notion of a sinecure, as an office with revenues, and without employment. The abolition of these offices would involve the necessity of removing all their records, and thus consult the public tranquillity in the prosecution of their measures. They should not alarm and agitate the country; yet, this inquiry, if it goes on, will give the greatest dissatisfaction to the new States in the West and South. It will alarm and agitate them, and ought to do it. It will connect itself with other inquiries going on elsewhere in the other end of this building-in the House of Representatives-to make the new States a source of revenue to the old ones, to deliver them up to a new set of masters, to throw them as grapes into the wine press, to be trod and squeezed as long as one drop of juice could be pressed from their hulls. These measures will go together; and if that resolution passes, and this one passes, the transition will be easy and natural, from dividing the money after the lands are sold, to divide the lands before they are sold, and then to renting the land and drawing an annual income, instead of selling it for a price in hand. The signs are portentous; the crisis is alarming; it is time for the new States to wake up to their danger, and to prepare for a struggle which carries ruin and disgrace to them, if the issue is against them." The debate spread, and took an acrimonious turn, and sectional, imputing to the quarter of the Union from which it came an old, and early policy to check the growth of the West at the outset by proposing to limit the sale of the western lands to a "clean riddance" as they went selling no tract in advance until all in the rear was sold out. It so happened that the first ordinance reported for the sale and survey of western lands in the Congress of the Confederation, (1785) contained a provision to this effect; and came from a committee strongly Northern-two to one, eight against four: and was struck out in the House on the motion of southern members, supported by the whole power of the South. I gave this account of the circumstance: be sold out complete before township No. 2 should be offered for sale, was like requiring the bones of the second one should be touched. Yet such of the first turkey to be eat up before the breast was the provision contained in the first ordinance for the sale of the public lands, reported by a committee of twelve, of which eight were from the north and four from the south side of the Potomac. How invincible must have been the determination of some politicians to prevent the settlement of the West, when they would thus counteract the sales of the lands which had just been obtained after years of importunity, for the payment of the public debt! 66 When this ordinance was put upon its passage in Congress, two Virginians, whose names, for that act alone, would deserve the lasting gratitude of the West, levelled their blows against the obnoxious provision. Mr. Grayson moved to strike it out, and Mr. Monroe seconded him ; and, after an animated and arduous contest, they sueceeded. The whole South supported them; not one recreant arm from the South; many scattering members from the North also voted with the South, and in favor of the infant West; proving then, as now, and as it always has been, that the West has true supporters of her rights and interests-unhappily not enough of them-in that quarter of the Union from which the measures have originated that several times threatened to be fatal to her." "The ordinance reported by the committee, contained the plan of surveying the public lands, which has since been followed. It adopted the scientific principle of ranges of townships, which has been continued ever since, and found so beneficial in a variety of ways to the country. The ranges began on the Pennsylvania line, and proceeded west to the Mississippi; and since the acquisition of Louisiana, they have proceeded west of that river; the townships began upon the Ohio River, and proceeded north to the Lakes. The townships were divided into sections of a mile square, six hundred and forty acres each; and the minimum price was fixed at one dollar per acre, and not less than a section to be sold together. This is the outline of the present plan of sales and surveys; and, with the modifications it has received, and may receive, in graduaStill enlarging its circle, but as yet still confined ting the price of the land to the quality, the plan to the sale and disposition of the public lands, is excellent. But a principle was incorporated the debate went on to discuss the propriety of in the ordinance of the most fatal character. It selling them to settlers at auction prices, and at was, that each township should be sold out complete before any land could be offered in the next an abitrary minimum for all qualities, and a reone! This was tantamount to a law that the fusal of donations; and in this hard policy the lands should not be sold; that the country should North was again considered as the exacting part not be settled: for it is certain that every town-of the Union-the South as the favorer of liberal ship, or almost every one, would contain land unfit for cultivation, and for which no person would give six hundred and forty dollars for six hundred and forty acres. The effect of such a provision may be judged by the fact that above one hundred thousand acres remain to this day unsold in the first land district; the district of Steubenville, in Ohio, which included the first range and first township. If that provision had remained in the ordinance, the settlements would not yet have got out of sight of the Pennsylvania line. It was an unjust and preposterous provision. It required the people to take the country clean before them; buy all as they went; mountains, hills, and swamps; rocks, glens, and prairies. They were to make clean work, as the giant Polyphemus did when he ate up the companions of Ulysses: 'No entrails, blood, nor solid bone remains,' Nothing could be more iniquitous than such a provision. It was like requiring your guest to cat all the bones on his plate before he should have more meat. To say that township No. 1 should terms, and the generous dispenser of gratuitous grants to the settlers in the new States and Territories. On this point, Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, thus expressed himself: "The payment of a penny,' or a 'pepper corn,' was the stipulated price which our fathers along the whole Atlantic coast, now composing the old thirteen States, paid for their lands; and even when conditions, seemingly more substantial, were annexed to the grants; such for instance assettlement and cultivation;' these were considered as substantially complied with, by the cutting down a few trees and erecting a log cabin the work of only a few days. Even these conditions very soon came to be considered as merely nominal, and were never required to be pursued, in order to vest in the grantee the fee simple of the soil. Such was the system under which this country was originally settled, and under which the thirteen colonies flourished and grew up to that early and vigorous manhood, which enabled them in a few years to achieve their independence; |