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promise and threaten in each other's behalf. -perish in corruption—no! A field of arms, For this campaign the bank created its debt of and of glory, should be her end. She had a thirty millions in the West; in this campaign right to a battle—a great, immortal battlethe associate leaders use that debt for their own where heroes and patriots could die with the purposes. Vote for Jackson! and suits, judg- liberty which they scorned to survive, and conments, and executions shall sweep, like the besom secrate, with their blood, the spot which marked of destruction, throughout the vast region of the a nation's fall. West! Vote against him! and indefinite indul- “ After Mr. B. had concluded his remarks, Mr. gence is basely promised! The debt itself, it is Clay rose and said :pretended, will, perhaps, be forgiven ; or, at all “The senator from Missouri expresses dissatisevents, hardly ever collected! Thus, an open faction that the speeches of some senators should bribe of thirty millions is virtually offered to fill the galleries. He has no ground for uneasithe West; and, lest the seductions of the bribe ness on this score. For if it be the fortune of may not be sufficient on one hand, the terrors some senators to fill the galleries when they of destruction are brandished on the other! speak, it is the fortune of others to empty them, Wretched, infatuated men, cried Mr. B. Do they with whatever else they fill the chamber. The think the West is to be bought ? Little do they senator from Missouri has every reason to be know of the generous sons of that magnificent well satisfied with the effect of his performance region! poor, indeed, in point of money, but rich to day; for among his auditors is a lady of great in all the treasures of the heart! rich in all the literary eminence. (Pointing to Mrs. Royal.] qualities of freemen and republicans! rich in all The senator intimates, that in my remarks on the noble feelings which look with equal scorn the message of the President, I was deficient in upon a bribe or a threat. The hunter of the a proper degree of courtesy towards that officer. West, with moccasins on his feet, and a hunting Whether my deportment here be decorous or shirt drawn around him, would repel with in- not, I should not choose to be decided upon by dignation the highest bribe that the bank could the gentleman from Missouri. I answered the offer him. The wretch (said Mr. Benton, with President's arguments, and gave my own views a significant gesture) who dared to offer it, would of the facts and inferences introduced by him expiate the insult with his blood.

into his message. The President states that the "Mr. B. rapidly summed up with a view of bank has an injurious operation on the interests the dangerous power of the bank, and the pre- of the West, and dwells upon its exhausting sent audacity of her conduct. She wielded a effects, its stripping the country of its currency, debt of seventy millions of dollars, with an or- &c., and upon these views and statements I comganization which extended to every part of the mented in a manner which the occasion called Union, and she was sole mistress of the moneyed for. But, if I am to be indoctrinated in the power of the republic. She had thrown herself rules of decorum, I shall not look to the gentleinto the political arena, to control and govern man for instruction. I shall not strip him of the presidential election. If she succeeded in his Indian blankets to go to Boon's Lick for that election, she would wish to consolidate her lessons in deportment, nor yet to the Court of power by getting control of all other elections. Versailles, which he eulogizes. There are some Governors of States, judges of the courts, rep- peculiar reasons why I should not go to that resentatives and senators in Congress, all must senator for my views of decorum, in regard to belong to her. The Senate especially must be my bearing towards the chief magistrate, and long to her; for, there lay the power to con- why he is not a fit instructor. I never had firm nominations and to try impeachments; and, any personal rencontre with the President of to get possession of the Senate, the legislatures the United States. I never complained of any of a majority of the States would have to be outrages on my person committed by him. I acquired. The war is now upon Jackson, and never published any bulletins respecting his priif he is defeated, all the rest will fall an easy vate brawls. The gentleman will understand prey. What individual could stand in the States my allusion. [Mr. B. said: He will understand against the power of the bank, and that bank you, sir, and so will you him.) I never comflushed with a victory over the conqueror of the plained, that while a brother of mine was down conquerors of Bonaparte? The whole govern- on the ground, senseless or dead, he received inent would fall into the hands of this moneyed another blow. I have never made any declarapower. An oligarchy would be immediately es- tion like these relative to the individual who is tablished ; and that oligarchy, in a few genera- President. There is also a singular prophecy as tions, would ripen into a monarchy. All govern- to the consequences of the election of this indiments must have their end; in the lapse of time, vidual, which far surpasses, in evil foreboding, this republic must perish; but that time, he now whatever I may have ever said in regard to his trusted, was far distant; and when it comes, it election. I never made any prediction so sinisshould come in glory, and not in shame. Rome ter, nor made any declaration so harsh, as that had her Pharsalia, and Greece her Chæronea; which is contained in the prediction to which I and this republic, more illustrious in her birth allude. I never declared my apprehension and than Greece or Rome, was entitled to a death as belief, that if he were elected, we should be glorious as theirs. She would not die by poison obliged to legislate with pistols and dirks by


our side. At this last stage of the session I do tain charge against me, and he referred to witnot rise to renew the discussion of this question. nesses to prove it. I denied the truth of the I only rose to give the senator from Missouri charge. He called upon his witness to prove a full acquittance, and I trust there will be no it. I leave it to the country to say, whether further occasion for opening a new account with that witness sustained the truth of the Presihim.

dent's allegation. That witness is now on his “Mr. B. replied. It is true, sir, that I had passage to St. Petersburg, with a commission an affray with General Jackson, and that I did in his pocket. [Mr. B. here said aloud, in his complain of his conduct. We fought, sir ; and place, the Mississippi and the fisheries-Mr. we fought, I hope, like men. When the explo- Adams and the fisheries—every body undersion was over, there remained no ill will, on stands it.] Mr. C. said, I do not yet understand either side. No vituperation or system of petty the senator. He then remarked upon the prepersecution was kept up between us. Yes, sir, diction which the senator from Missouri had it is true, that I had the personal difficulty, disclaimed. Can he, said Mr. C., look to me, which the senator from Kentucky has had the and say that he never used the language attri delicacy to bring before the Senate. But let me buted to him in the placard which he refers to ? tell the senator from Kentucky there is no ad- He says, Col. Lawless denies that he used the journed question of veracity' between me and words in the State of Missouri. Can you look General Jackson. All difficulty between us me in the face, sir (addressing Mr. B.], and say ended with the conflict; and a few months after that you never used that language out of the it, I believe that either party would cheerfully State of Missouri ? have relieved the other from any peril; and now “Mr. B. I look, sir, and repeat that it is an we shake hands and are friendly when we meet. atrocious calumny; and I will pin it to him who I repeat, sir, that there is no 'adjourned ques- repeats it here. tion of veracity' between me and General Jackson, "Mr. Clay. Then I declare before the Senate standing over for settlement. If there had been, that you said to me the very wordsa gulf would have separated us as deep as hell. “[Mr. B. in his place, while Mr. Clay was yet

“Mr. B. then referred to the prediction alleged speaking, several times loudly repeated the by Mr. Clay, to have been made by him. I word 'false, false, false.') have seen, he said, a placard, first issued in Mis- “Mr. Clay said, I fling back the charge of atro souri, and republished lately. It first appeared cious calumny upon the senator from Missouri. in 1825, and stated that I had said, in a public A call to order was here heard from several address, that if General Jackson should be senators. elected, we must be guarded with pistols and “The President, pro tem., said, the senator dirks to defend ourselves while legislating here. from Kentucky is not in order, and must take This went the rounds of the papers at the time. his seat. A gentleman, well acquainted in the State of “Mr. Clay. Will the Chair state the point Missouri (Col. Lawless), published a handbill of order? denying the truth of the statement, and calling “ The Chair, said Mr. Tazewell (the President upon any person in the State to name the time pro tem.), can enter in no explanations with the and place, when and where, any such address senator. had been heard from me, or any such declara- “Mr. Clay. I shall be heard. I demand to tion made. Colonel Lawless was perfectly fa- know what point of order can be taken against miliar with the campaign, but he could never me, which was not equally applicable to the meet with a single individual, man, woman, or senator from Missouri. child, in the State, who could recollect to have “ The President, pro tem., stated, that he conever heard any such remarks from me. No one sidered the whole discussion as out of order. came forward to reply to the call. No one had He would not have permitted it, had he been in ever heard me make the declaration which was the chair at its commencement. charged upon me. The same thing has lately“Mr. Poindexter said, he was in the chair at been printed here, and, in the night, stuck up in the commencement of the discussion, and did a placard upon the posts and walls of this city. not then see fit to check it. But he was now While its author remained concealed, it was of the opinion that it was in not in order. impossible for me to hold him to account, nor “Mr. B. I apologize to the Senate for the could I make him responsible, who, in the dark, manner in which I have spoken; but not to the sticks it to the posts and walls: but since it is senator from Kentucky. in open day introduced into this chamber I “Mr. Clay. To the Senate I also offer an am enabled to meet it as it deserves to be met. apology. To the senator from Missouri none. I see who it is that uses it here, and to his face “ The question was here called for, by several [pointing to Mr. Clay) I am enabled to pro- senators, and it was taken, as heretofore renounce it, as I now do, an atrocious calumny. ported.

“Mr. Clay.— The assertion that there is an adjourned question of veracity' between me and

The conclusion of the debate on the side of Gen. Jackson, is, whether made by man or mas- the bank was in the most impressive form to the ter, absolutely false. The President made a cer- fears and apprehensions of the country, and well calculated to alarm and rouse a community. here avowed and their government. These Mr. Webster concluded with this peroration, cannot subsist together. The one or the other presenting a direful picture of distress if the veto must be rejected. If the sentiments of the

message shall receive general approbation, the was sustained, and portrayed the death of the constitution will have perished even earlier than constitution before it had attained the fiftieth the moment which its enemies originally allowed year of its age. He concluded thus-little fore- for the termination of its existence. It will not seeing in how few years he was to invoke the have survived to its fiftieth year.” charity of the world's silence and oblivion for On the other hand, Mr. White, of Tennessee, the institution which his rhetoric then exalted exalted the merit of the veto message above all into a great and beneficent power, indispensable the acts of General Jackson's life, and claimed to the well working of the government, and the for it a more enduring fame, and deeper gratiwell conducting of their affairs by all the people: tude than for the greatest of his victories: and

concluded his speech thus : “Mr. President, we have arrived at a new epoch. We are entering on experiments with “ When the excitement of the time in which the government and the constitution of the we act shall have passed away, and the historicountry, hitherto untried, and of fearful and an and biographer shall be employed in giving appalling aspect. This message calls us to the his account of the acts of our most distinguished contemplation of a future, which little resem- public men, and comes to the name of Andrew bles the past. Its principles are at war with all Jackson ; when he shall have recounted all the that public opinion has sustained, and all which great and good deeds done by this man in the the experience of the government has sanctioned. course of a long and eventful life, and the cirIt denies first principles. It contradicts truths cumstances under which this message was comheretofore received as indisputable. It denies municated shall have been stated, the conclusion to the judiciary the interpretation of law, and will be, that, in doing this, he has shown a demands to divide with Congress the origination willingness to risk more to promote the happiof statutes. It extends the grasp of Executive ness of his fellow-men, and to secure their libpretension over every power of the government. erties, than by the doing of any other act whatBut this is not all. It presents the Chief Mag- ever.” istrate of the Union in the attitude of arguing away the powers of that government over which And such, in my opinion, will be the judghe has been chosen to preside ; and adopting, ment of posterity—the judgment of posterity, for this purpose, modes of reasoning which, if furnished with the material to appreciate the even under the influence of all proper feeling towards high official station, it is difficult to circumstances under which he acted when signregard as respectable. It appeals to every pre-ing the message which was to decide the quesjudice which may betray men into a mistaken tion of supremacy between the bank and the view of their own interests; and to every pas-. sion which may lead them to disobey the im- government. pulses of their understanding. It urges all the specious topics of State rights, and national encroachment, against that which a great majority of the States have affirmed to be rightful, and in which all of them have acquiesced. It sows,

CHAPTER LXIX. in an unsparing manner, the seeds of jealousy and ill-will against that government of which

THE PROTECTIVE SYSTEM, its author is the official head. It raises a cry that liberty is in danger, at the very moment The cycle had come round which, periodically, when it puts forth claims to power heretofore unknown and unheard of. It affects alarm for and once in four years, brings up a presidential the public freedom, when nothing so much en-election and a tariff discussion. The two events dangers that freedom as its own unparalleled seemed to be inseparable; and this being the pretences. This, even, is not all. It manifest- fourth year from the great tariff debate of 1828, ly seeks to influence the poor against the rich. It wantonly attacks whole classes of the people,

and the fourth year from the last presidential for the purpose of turning against them the pre- election, and being the long session which prejudices and resentments of other classes. It is cedes the election, it was the one in regular a state paper which finds no topic too exciting course in which the candidates and their friends for its use;

no passion too inflammable for its make the greatest efforts to operate upon public address and its solicitation. Such is this bage. It remains, now, for the people of the opinion through the measures which they pro United States to choose between the principles pose, or oppose in Congress. Added to this, the


election being one on which not only a change comfort, not produced at home. Mr. Clay proof political parties depended, but also a second posed to make the reduction in subordination to trial of the election in the House of Representa- the preservation of the “ American system: tives in 182+25, in which Mr. Adams and Mr. and this opened the whole question of free trade Clay triumphed over General Jackson, with the and protection; and occasioned that field to be advantage on their side now of both being in Con- trod over again with all the vigor of a fresh esgress: for these reasons this session became the ploration. Mr. Clay opened his great speech with most prolific of party topics, and of party con- a retrospect of what the condition of the country tests, of any one ever seen in the annals of our was for seven years before the tarriff of 1824, Congress. And certainly there were large sub- and what it had been since—the first a period of jects to be brought before the people, and great unprecedented calamity, the latter of equally talents to appear in their support and defence. unprecedented prosperity :—and he made the The renewal of the national bank charter-the two conditions equally dependent upon the ab continuance of the protective system-internal sence and presence of the protective system improvement by the federal government-divi- He said: sion of the public land money, or of the lands “ Eight years ago, it was my painful duty to themselves-colonization society-extension of present to the other House of Congress an unpension list-Georgia and the Cherokees—Geor- exaggerated picture of the general distress per gia and the Supreme Court-imprisoned mis- vading the whole land. We must all yet re

member some of its frightful features. We all sionaries were all brought forward, and pressed know that the people were then oppressed and with zeal, by the party out of power; and pressed borne down by an enormous load of debt; that in a way to show their connection with the the value of property was at the lowest point of presidential canvass, and the reliance upon them depression; that ruinous sales and sacrifices

were every where made of real estate; that stop to govern its result. The party in power were laws and relief laws and paper money were chiefly on the defensive; and it was the com- adopted to save the people from impending de plete civil representation of a military attack struction; that a deficit in the public revenue and defence of a fortified place—a siege-with existed, which compelled government to seize

upon, and divert from its legitimate object, the its open and covert attacks on one side, its re-appropriation to the sinking fund, to redeem the pulses and sallies on the other—its sappings national debt; and that our commerce and and minings, as well as its open thundering navigation were threatened with a complete assaults. And this continued for seven long term of seven years since the adoption of the

paralysis. In short, sir, if I were to select any months—from December to July; fierce in the present constitution, which exhibited a scene of beginning, and becoming more so from day to the most wide-spread dismay and desolation, it day until the last hour of the last day of the ex- would be exactly the term of seven years which hausted session. It was the most fiery and immediately preceded the establishment of the

tariff of 1824." eventful session that I had then seen-or since seen, except one-the panic session of 1834–35. This was a faithful picture of that calamitous

The two leading measures in this plan of opera- period, but the argument derived from it was a tions—the bank and the tariff-were brought two-edged sword, which cut, and deeply, into forward simultaneously and quickly-on the another measure, also lauded as the cause of the same day, and under the same lead. The me- public prosperity. These seven years of nationmorial for the renewal of the bank charter was al distress which immediately preceded the tariff presented in the Senate on the 9th day of January: of 1824, were also the same seven years which on the same day, and as soon as it was referred, immediately followed the establishment of the Mr. Clay submitted a resolution in relation to national bank; and which, at the time it was

( the tariff, and delivered a speech of three days' chartered, was to be the remedy for all the disduration in support of the American system. tress under which the country labored: besides, The President, in his message, and in view of the protective system was actually commenced the approaching extinction of the public debt, in the year 1816-contemporaneously with the then reduced to an event of certainty within the establishment of the national bank. Before 1816, ensuing year-recommended the abolition of protection to home industry had been an inciduties on numerous articles of neccessity or dent to the levy of revenue; but in 1816 it be


came an object. Mr. Clay thus deduced the terest of a State, by adding new incentives to origin and progress of the protective policy:

industry, and as being the means of disposing,

to advantage, the surplus productions of the "It began on the ever memorable 4th day of agriculturist: And whereas, in the present July—the 4th of July, 1789. The second act unexampled state of the world, their establishwhich stands recorded in the statute book, bear- ment in our country is not only expedient, but ing the illustrious signature of George Washing- politic, in rendering us independent of foreign ton, laid the corner stone of the whole system. nations. The legislature, not being competent That there might be no mistake about the mat- to afford the most efficacious aid, by imposing ter, it was then solemly proclaimed to the Ame- duties on foreign rival articles, proceeded to inrican people and to the world, that it was neces- corporate a company. sary for the encouragement and protection of “Peace, under the Treaty of Ghent, returned manufactures," that duties should be laid. It is in 1815, but there did not return with it the in vain to urge the small amount of the measure golden days which preceded the edicts levelled of protection then extended. The great princi- at our commerce by Great Britain and France. ple was then established by the fathers of the It found all Europe tranquilly resuming the arts constitution, with the father of his country at and the business of civil life. It found Europe their head. And it cannot now be questioned, no longer the consumer of our surplus, and the that, if the government had not then been new employer of our navigation, but excluding, or and the subject untried, a greater measure of pro- heavily burdening, almost all the productions tection would have been applied, if it had been of our agriculture, and our rivals in manufacsupposed necessary. Shortly after, the master tures, in navigation, and in commerce. It found minds of Jefferson and Hamilton were brought our country, in short, in a situation totally difto act on this interesting subject. Taking views ferent from all the past-new and untried. It of it appertaining to the departments of foreign became necessary to adapt our laws, and espeaffairs and of the treasury, which they respect- cially our laws of impost, to the new circumively filled, they presented, severally, reports stances in which we found ourselves. It has which yet remain monuments of their profound been said that the tariff of 1816 was a measure wisdom, and came to the same conclusion of pro- of mere revenue; and that it only reduced the tection to American industry. Mr. Jefferson war duties to a peace standard. It is true that argued that foreign restrictions, foreign prohibi- the question then was, how much, and in what tions, and foreign high duties, ought to be met, way, should the double duties of the war be reat home, by American restrictions, American duced ? Now, also, the question is, on what prohibitions, and American high duties. Mr. articles shall the duties be reduced so as to subHamilton, surveying the entire ground, and look-ject the amount of the future revenue to the ing at the inherent nature of the subject, treated wants of the government ? Then it was deemit with an ability which, if ever equalled, has not ed an inquiry of the first importance, as it been surpassed, and earnestly recommended pro- should be now, how the reduction should be tection.

made, so as to secure proper encouragement to “ The wars of the French revolution commen- our domestic industry. That this was a leadced about this period, and streams of gold poured ing object in the arrangement of the tariff of into the United States through a thousand chan- 1816, I well remember, and it is demonstrated nels, opened or enlarged by the successful com- by the language of Mr. Dallas. merce which our neutrality enabled us to prose- “ The subject of the American system was cute. We forgot, or overlooked, in the general again brought up in 1820, by the bill reported prosperity, the necessity of encouraging our do- by the chairman of the Committee on Manufacmestic manufactures. Then came the edicts of tures, now a member of the bench of the SuNapoleon, and the British orders in council; and preme Court of the United States, and the prinour embargo, non-intercourse, non-importation, ciple was successfully maintained by the repreand war, followed in rapid succession. These sentatives of the people ; but the bill which national measures, amounting to a total suspen- they passed was defeated in the Senate. It sion, for the period of their duration, of our was revived in 1824, the whole ground carefully foreign commerce, afforded the most efficacious and deliberately explored, and the bill then inencouragement to American manufactures; and, troduced, receiving all the sanctions of the conaccordingly, they every where sprung up. Whilst stitution. This act of 1824 needed amendments these measures of restriction and this state of war in some particulars, which were attempted in continued the manufacturers were stimulated in 1828, but ended in some injuries to the system; their enterprises by every assurance of support, and now the whole aim was to save an existing by public sentiment, and by legislative resolves. system-not to create a new one." It was about that period (1808) that South Carolina bore her high testimony to the wisdom

And he summed up his policy thus : of the policy, in an act of her legislature, the “1. That the policy which we have been conpreamble of which, now before me, reads: sidering ought to continue to be regarded as Whereas the establishment and encouragement the genuine American system. of domestic manufactures is conducive to the in “2. That the free trade system, which is pro

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