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posed as its substitute, ought really to be con question at once as bearing upon the harmony sidered as the British colonial system.
and stability of the Union—as unfit to be “3. That the American system is beneficial
pressed on that account as well as for its own to all parts of the Union, and absolutely necessary to much the larger portion.
demerits-avowed himself a friend to incidental 14. That the price of the great staple of cot- protection, for which he had always voted, and ton, and of all our chief productions of agricul- even voted for the act of 1816—which he conture, has been sustained and upheld, and a desidered going far enough; and insisted that all cliné averted by the protective system.
“5. That, if the foreign demand for cotton“ manufacturers” were doing well under it, and has been at all diminished by the operation of did not need the acts of 1824 and 1828, which that system, the diminution has been more than were made for " capitalists”—to enable them to compensated in the additional demand created
engage in manufacturing; and who had not the at home.
“ 6. That the constant tendency of the sys- requisite skill and care, and suffered, and called tem, by creating competition among ourselves, upon Congress for more assistance. He said: and between American and European industry, reciprocally acting upon each other, is to reduce “We have arrived at a crisis. Yes, Mr. Presiprices of manufactured objects.
dent, at a crisis more appalling than a day of “7. That, in point of fact, objects within the battle. I adjure the Committee on Manufacscope of the policy of protection have greatly tures to pause—to reflect on the dissatisfaction fallen in price.
of all the South. South Carolina has expressed “8. That if, in a season of peace, these bene- itself strongly against the tariff of 1828– fits are experienced, in a season of war, when stronger than the other States are willing to the foreign supply might be cut off, they would speak. But, sir, the whole of the South feel be much more extensively felt.
deeply the oppression of that tariff. In this “9. And, finally, that the substitution of the respect there is no difference of opinion. The British colonial system for the American sys- South-the whole Southern States—all, contem, without benefiting any section of the sider it as oppressive. They have not yet Union, by subjecting us to a foreign legislation, spoken; but when they do speak, it will be regulated by foreign interests, would lead to with a voice that will not implore, but will dethe prostration of our manufactures, general im- mand redress. How much better, then, to grant poverishment, and ultimate ruin."
redress? How much better that the Commit
tee on Manufactures heal the wound which has Mr. Clay was supported in his general views been inflicted ? I want nothing that shall inby many able speakers-among them, Dicker- jure the manufacturer. I only want justice.
"I am, Mr. President, one of the few surrison and Frelinghuysen of New Jersey ; Ewing vors of those who fought in the war of the revoof Ohio; Holmes of Maine ; Bell of New Hamp- lution. We then thought we fought for liberty shire; Hendricks of Indiana ; Webster and Sils
--for equal rights. We fought against taxabee of Massachusetts ; Robbins and Knight of tion, the proceeds of which were for the benefit
of others. Where is the difference, if the peoRhode Island ; Wilkins and Dallas of Pennsyl- ple are to be taxed by the manufacturers or by vania; Sprague of Maine; Clayton of Delaware; any others? I say manufacturers—and why Chambers of Maryland; Foot of Connecticut. do I say so? When the Senate met, there was On the other hand the speakers in opposition rate the tariff of 1828 ; but I now see a change,
a strong disposition with all parties to amelioto the protective policy were equally numerous, which makes me almost despair of any thing ardent and able. They were: Messrs. Hayne effectual being accomplished. Even the small and Miller of South Carolina ; Brown and Man- concessions made by the senator from Kengum of North Carolina ; Forsyth and Troup of tucky (Mr. Clay], have been reprobated by the Georgia ; Grundy and White of Tennessee ; turers. I am told they have put their fiat on
lobby members, the agents of the manufacHill of New Hampshire ; Kane of Illinois ; any change whatever, and hence, as a conseBenton of Missouri ; King and Moore of Ala- quence, the change in the course and language bama ; Poindexter of Mississippi ; Tazewell of gentlemen, which almost precludes all hope. and Tyler of Virginia ; General Samuel Smith
Those interested men hang on the Committee
on Manufactures like an incubus. I say to that of Maryland. I limit the enumeration to the committee, depend upon your own good judgSenate. In the House the subject was still ments-survey the whole subject as politicians more fully debated, according to its numbers ; |--discard sectional interests, and study only and like the bank question, gave rise to heat ; thus relieve the oppressions of the South.
the common weal-act with these views and and was kept alive to the last day.
“I have ever, Mr. President, supported the General Smith of Maryland, took up the interest of manufactures, as far as it could be
done incidentally. I supported the late Mr. preceded and followed the paragraph cited, he Lowndes's bill of 1816. I was a member of his thought, plainly indicated his meaning, which committee, and that bill protected the manufac-related to evasions of the system, by illicit intures sufficiently, except bar iron. Mr. Lowndes troduction of goods, which they were not dishad reported fifteen dollars per ton. The House posed to countenance in South Carolina.] I am reduced it to nine dollars per ton. That act happy to hear this explanation, But, sir, it is enabled the manufacturers to exclude importa- impossible to conceal from our view the fact that tions of certain articles. The hatters carry on there is great excitement in South Carolina ; that
. their business by their sons and apprentices, the protective system is openly and violently deand few,
any, hats are now imported. Large nounced in popular meetings; and that the legisquantities are exported, and preferred. All ar- lature itself has declared its purpose of resorting ticles of leather, from tanned side to the finest to counteracting measures: a suspension of which harness or saddle, have been excluded from im- has only been submitted to, for the purpose of portation; and why? Because the business is allowing Congress time to retrace its steps. conducted by their own hard hands, their own With respect to this Union, Mr. President, the labor, and they are now heavily taxed by the truth cannot be too generally proclaimed, nor tariff of 1828, to enable the rich to enter into too strongly inculcated, that it is neeessary to the manufactures of the country. Yes, sir, I the whole and to all the parts-necessary to say the rich, who entered into the business after those parts, indeed, in different degrees, but vithe act of 1824, which proved to be a mushroom tally necessary to each ; and that, threats to affair, and many of them suffered severely. The disturb or dissolve it, coming from any of the act of 1816, I repeat, gave all the protection parts, would be quite as indiscreet and improper, that was necessary or proper, under which the as would be threats from the residue to exclude industrious and frugal completely succeeded. those parts from the pale of its benefits. The But, sir, the capitalist who had invested his great principle, which lies at the foundation of capital in manufactures, was not to be satisfied all free governments, is, that the majority must with ordinary profit; and therefore the act of govern; from which there is nor can be no ap1828."
peal but to the sword. That majority ought to
govern wisely, equitably, moderately, and conMr. Clay, in his opening speech had adverted stitutionally; but, govern it must, subject only to the Southern discontent at the working of the to that terrible appeal. If ever one, or several protective tariff, in a way that showed he felt it States, being a minority, can, by menacing a dis
solution of the Union, succeed in forcing an to be serious, and entitled to enter into the con- abandonment of great measures, deemed essensideration of statesmen ; but considered this tial to the interests and prosperity of the whole, system an overruling necessity of such want the Union, from that moment, is practically gone. and value to other parts of the Union, that the It may linger on, in form and name, but its vital danger to its existence laid in the abandonment, liberate opinions, I would entreat the patriotic
spirit has tied for ever! Entertaining these deand not in the continuance of the “ American people of South Carolina—the land of Marion, system.” On this point he expressed himself Sumpter, and Pickens; of Rutledge, Laurens, thus :
the Pickneys, and Lowndes ; of living and pre
sent names, which I would mention if they were “And
now, Mr. President, I have to make a not living or present-to pause, solemnly pause ! few observations on a delicate subject, which I and contemplate the frightful precipice which lies approach with all the respect that is due to its directly before them. To retreat, may be painserious and grave nature. They have not, in- ful and mortifying to their gallantry and pride; deed, been rendered necessary by the speech of but it is to retreat to the Union, to safety, and the gentleman from South Carolina, whose for- to those brethren, with whom, or, with whose bearance to notice the topic was commendable, ancestors, they, or their ancestors, have won, on as his argument throughout was characterized the fields of glory, imperishable renown. To adby an ability and dignity worthy of him and of vance, is to rush on certain and inevitable disthe Senate. The gentleman made one declara- grace and destruction. tion which might possibly be misinterpreted, “The danger to our Union does not lie on the and I submit to him whether an explanation of side of persistance in the American system, but it be not proper. The declaration, as reported on that of its abandonment. If, as I have supin his printed speech, is: 'the instinct of self-posed and believe, the inhabitants of all north interest might have taught us an easier way of and east of James River, and all west of the relieving ourselves from this oppression. It mountains, including Louisiana, are deeply intewanted but the will to have supplied ourselves rested in the preservation of that system, would with every article embraced in the protective they be reconciled to its overthrow? Can it be system, free of duty, without any other partici-1 expected that two thirds, if not three fourths, of pation, on our part, than a simple consent to re- the people of the United States would consent to ceive them. [Here Mr. Hayne rose, and re- the destruction of a policy believed to be indismarked that the passages, which immediately | pensably necessary to their prosperity ? When,
too, this sacrifice is made at the instance of a course, in any danger, but that of duty and pasingle interest, which they verily believe will not triotism; and had no feeling, in any extremity, be promoted by it? In estimating the degree of but that God and the people would sustain him. peril which may be incident to two opposite courses of human policy, the statesman would Such a man was wanted, in 1832, and was found be short-sighted who should content himself | -found before, but reserved for use now. with viewing only the evils, real or imaginary, The representatives from the South, generally which belong to that course which is in practi- but especially those from South Carolina, while cal operation. He should lift himself up to the contemplation of those greater and more certain depicting the distress of their section of the dangers which might inevitably attend the adop- Union, and the reversed aspect which had come tion of the alternative course. What would be upon their affairs, less prosperous now than bethe condition of this Union, if Pennsylvania and fore the formation of the Union, attributed the New-York, those mammoth members of our confederacy, were firmly persuaded that their whole cause of this change to the action of the industry was paralyzed, and their prosperity federal government, in the levy and distribution blighted, by the enforcement of the British colo- of the public revenue ; to the protective system, nial system, under the delusive name of free which was now assuming permanency, and intrade? They are now tranquil, and happy, and contented, conscious of their welfare and feel-creasing its exactions; and to a course of expendiing a salutary and rapid circulation of the pro-ture which carried to the North what was levied ducts of home manufactures and home industry on the South. The democratic party generally througout all their great arteries. But let that concurred in the belief that this system was be checked, let them feel that a foreign system is to predominate, and the sources of their sub- working injuriously upon the South, and that sistence and comfort dried up; let New England this injury ought to be relieved; that it was a and the West, and the Middle States, all feel cause of dissatisfaction with the Union, which a that they too are the victims of a mistaken regard for the Union required to be redressed; policy, and let these vast portions of our coun- but all did not concur in the cause of Southern try despair of any favorable change, and then, indeed, might we tremble for the continuance eclipse in the race of prosperity which their and safety of this Union!”
representatives assigned; and, among them, Mr.
Dallas, who thus spoke: Here was an appalling picture presented : dissolution of the Union, on either hand, and one
“The impressive and gloomy description of or the other of the alternatives obliged to be the senator from South Carolina [Mr. Hayne),
as to the actual state and wretched prospects of taken. If persisted in, the opponents to the his immediate fellow-citizens, awakens the liveprotective system, in the South, were to make liest sympathy, and should command our attenthe dissolution; if abandoned, its friends, in the tion. It is their right; it is our duty. I cannot North, were to do it. Two citizens, whose word of the American people ; and esteem it incon
feel indifferent to the sufferings of any portion was law to two great parties, denounced the sistent with the scope and purpose of the federal same event, from opposite causes, and one of constitution, that any majority, no matter how which causes was obliged to occur. The crisis large, should connive at, or protract the oppresrequired a hero-patriot at the head of the govern- small. I disclaim and detest the idea of making
sion or misery of any minority, no matter how ment, and Providence had reserved one for the one part subservient to another; of feasting upon occasion. There had been a design, in some, to the extorted substance of my countrymen; of bring Jackson forward for the Presidency, in enriching my own region, by draining the fer1816, and again, in 1820, when he held back. tility and resources of a neighbor; of becoming He was brought forward, in 1824, and defeated. wealthy with spoils which leave their legitimate
owners impoverished and desolate. But, sir, 1 These three successive postponements brought want proof of a fact, whose existence, at least as him to the right years, for which Providence described, it is difficult even to conceive; and, seemed to have destined him, and which he above all, I want the true causes of that fact to would have missed, if elected at either of the of legislative remedy, and to have that remedy
be ascertained ; to be brought within the reach three preceding elections. It was a reservation of a nature which may be applied without proabove human wisdom or foresight; and gave to ducing more mischiefs than those it proposes to the American people (at the moment they wanted cure. The proneness to exaggerate social evils is him) the man of head, and heart, and nerve, to greatest with the most patriotic. Temporary
embarrassment is sensitively apprehended to be do what the crisis required : who possessed the permanent. Every day's experience teaches how confidence of the people, and who knew no lapt we are to magnify partial into universal dis
Wasteful and ridiculous excess."
tress, and with what difficulty an excited imagi- influence on others. Incapable of adaptation to nation rescues itself from despondency. It will the ever-varying changes of human society and not do, sir, to act upon the glowing or pathetic existence, it retains the communities in which it delineations of a gifted orator; it will not do to is established, in a condition of apparent and become enlisted, by ardent exhortations, in a comparative inertness. The lights of science, and crusade against established systems of policy; the improvements of art, which vivify and accelit will not do to demolish the walls of our cita- erate elsewhere, cannot penetrate, or, if they do, del to the sounds of plaintiff eloquence, or fire penetrate with dilatory inefficiency, among its the temple at the call of impassioned enthu- operatives. They are merely instinctive and siasm.
passive. While the intellectual industry of other “What, sir, is the cause of Southern distress ? parts of this country springs elastically forward Has any gentleman yet ventured to designate at every fresh impulse, and manual labor is proit ? Can any one do more than suppose, or ar- pelled and redoubled' by countless inventions, gumentatively assume it? I am neither willing machines, and contrivances, instantly understood nor competent to flatter. To praise the honor- and at once exercised, the South remains stationable senator from South Carolina, would be ary, inaccessible to such encouraging and invig
orating aids. Nor is it possible to be wholly *To add perfume to the violet
blind to the moral effect of this species of labor
upon those freemen among whom it exists. A But, if he has failed to discover the source of disrelish for humble and hardy occupation; a the evils he deplores, who can unfold it? Amid pride adverse to drudgery and toil; a dread that the warm and indiscriminating denunciations to partake in the employments allotted to color, with which he has assailed the policy of protect- may be accompanied also by its degradation, are ing domestic manufactures and native produce, he natural and inevitable. The high and lofty qualifrankly avows that he would not deny that there ties which, in other scenes and for other purare other causes, besides the tariff, which have poses, characterize and adorn our Southern contributed to produce the evils which he has brethren, are fatal to the enduring patience, the depicted. What are those 'other causes ?' In corporal exertion, and the painstaking simpliwhat proportion have they acted? How much city, by which only a successful yeomanry can of this dark shadowi is ascribable to each be formed. When, in fact, sir, the senator from singly, and to all in combination ? Would the South Carolina asserts that “slaves are too imtariff' be at all felt or denounced, if these other provident, too incapable of that minute, constant, causes were not in operation? Would not, in delicate attention, and that persevering industry fact, its influence, its discriminations, its inequals which is essential to the success of manufacturities, its oppressions, but for these 'other causes,' ing establishments,' he himself admits the defect be shaken, by the elasticity and energy, and ex- in the condition of Southern labor, by which the haustless spirit of the South, as 'dew-drops from progress of his favorite section must be retarded. the lion's mane?' These inquiries, sir, must be He admits an inability to keep pace with the satisfactorily answered before we can be justly rest of the world. He admits an inherent weakrequired to legislate away an entire system. If ness; a weakness neither engendered nor aggrait be the root of all evil, let it be exposed and vated by the tariff-which, as societies are now demolished. If its poisonous exhalations be but constituted and directed, must drag in the rear, partial, let us preserve such portions as are in- and be distanced in the common race.” noxious. If, as the luminary of day, it be pure and salutary in itself, let us not wish it extin- Thus spoke Mr. Dallas, senator from Pennsylguished, because of the shadows, clouds, and vania ; and thus speaking, gave offence to no darkness which obscure its brightness or impede Southern man; and seemed to be well justified its vivifying power.
“That other causes still, Mr. President, for in what he said, from the historical fact that the Southern distress, do exist, cannot be doubted. loss of ground, in the race of prosperity, had They combine with the one I have indicated, and commenced in the South before the protective are equally unconnected with the manufacturing policy. One of these it is peculiarly painful to system began-before that epoch year, 1816, advert to; and when I mention it, I beg honor- when it was first installed as a system, and so able senators not to suppose that I do it in the installed by the power of the South Carolina spirit of taunt, of reproach, or of idle declama- vote and talent. But the levy and expenditure tion. Regarding it as a misfortune merely, not as a fault; as a disease inherited, not incurred;
of the federal government was, doubtless, the perhaps to be alleviated, but not eradicated, í main cause of this Southern decadence—so unshould feel self-condemned were I to treat' it natural in the midst of her rich staples—and other than as an existing fact, whose merit or which had commenced before 1816. demerit, apart from the question under debate, is shielded from commentary by the highest and
It so happened, that while the advocates of the most just considerations.' I 'refer, sir, to the American system were calling so earnestly for character of Southern labor, in itself
, and in its government protection, to enable them to sus
tain themselves at home, that the custom-house proved; but I do not come here to argue upon books were showing that a great many species admissions, whether candid oi unguarded, of the of our manufactures, and especially the cotton, proofs ; and, really, sir, I have a mind to com
adversary speakers. I bring my own facts and were going abroad to far distant countries ; and plain that the gentleman's admission about cot sustaining themselves on remote theatres against tons has crippled the force of my argument, all competition, and beyond the range of any that it has weakened its effect by letting out half help from our laws. Mr. Clay, himself
, spoke of at a time, and destroyed its novelty, by an anti
cipated revelation. The truth is, I have this fact this exportation, to show the excellence of our (that we exported domestic cottons) treasured fabrics, and that they were worth protection ; I up in my magazine of material ! and intended used the same fact to show that they were inde- | to produce it, at the proper time, to show that pendent of protection; and said:
we exported this article, not to Canton and Cat
cutta alone, but to all quarters of the globe; not "And here I would ask, how many and which a few cargoes only, by way of experiment, but are the articles that require the present high rate in great quantities, as a regular trade, to the of protection ? Certainly not the cotton manu- amount of a million and a quarter of dollars, ar facture; for, the senator from Kentucky [Mr. nually; and that, of this amount, no less than Clay], who appears on this floor as the leading had done what the combined fleets and armies
forty thousand dollars worth, in the year 1830, champion of domestic manufactures, and whose admissions of fact must be conclusive against his of the world could not do: it had scaled the rock arguments of theory! this senator tells you, and of Gibraltar, penetrated to the heart of the Britdwells upon the disclosure with triumphant ex
ish garrison, taken possession of his Britannis ultation, that American cottons are now exported Majesty's soldiers
, bound their arms, legs, and to Asia, and sold at a profit in the cotton mar
bodies, and strutted in triumph over the ram kets of Canton and Calcutta ! Surely, sir, our parts and batteries of that unattackable fortress tariff laws of 1824 and 1828 are not in force in And now, sir, I will use no more of the gentle Bengal and China. And I appeal to all mankind man's admissions; I will draw upon my own for the truth of the inference, that, if our cottons resources; and will show nearly the whole list can go to these countries, and be sold at a profit of our domestic manufactures to be in the same without any protection at all, they can stay at Hourishing condition with cottons, actually going home, and be sold to our own citizens, without abroad to seek competition, without protection, loss, under a less protection than fifty and two in every foreign clime, and contending victoriously hundred and fifty per centum! One fact, Mr. with foreign manufactures wherever they can en President, is said to be worth a thousand theo- | counter them. I read from the custom-house ries; I will add that it is worth a hundred thou- returns, of 1830—the last that has been printed. sand speeches; and this fact that the American
Listen to it: cottons now traverse the one-half of the circum
“This is the list of domestic manufactures exference of this globe-cross the equinoctial line; ported to foreign countries. It comprehends the descend to the antipodes ; seek foreign markets whole, or nearly the whole, of that long catar on the double theatre of British and Asiatic com- logue of items which the senator from Kentucky petition, and come off victorious from the con- (Mr. Clay] read to us, on the second day of his test—is a full and overwhelming answer to all discourse; and shows the whole to be going the speeches that have been made, or ever can
abroad, without a shadow of protection, to seek be made, in favor of high protecting duties on competition, in foreign markets, with the foreign these cottons at home. The only effect of such goods of all the world. The list of articles I duties is to cut off importations—to create mono- have read, contains near fifty varieties of manu poly at home—to enable our manufacturers to factures (and I have omitted many minor artisell their goods higher to their own christian fel-cles), amounting, in value, to near six millions of low-citizens than to the pagan worshippers of Fo dollars! And now behold the diversity of human and of Brahma ! to enable the inhabitants of the reasoning! The senator from Kentucky exhiGanges and the Burrampooter to wear Ameri- bits a list of articles manufactured in the United can cottons upon cheaper terms than the inhabit- in the enormous protection they now enjoy, will
States, and argues that the slightest diminution ants of the Ohio and Mississippi. And every Western citizen knows the fact, that when these overwhelm the whole in ruin, and cover the shipments of American cottons were making to country with distress; I read the same identical the extremities of Asia, the price of these same list, to show that all these articles go abroad cottons was actually raised twenty and twenty, in all foreign markets.''
and contend victoriously with their foreign rivals five per cent., in all the towns of the West; with this further difference to our prejudice, that we Mr. Clay had attributed to the tariffs of 1824 can only pay for them in money, while the in- and 1828 the reviving and returning prosperity habitants of Asia make payment in the products of their own country,
of the country, while in fact it was the merg “This is what the gentleman's admission effect of recovery from prostration, and in spite