emption from it in New England; denied the assumed cause for it where it did exist, and attributed it to over expansion and collapse of the paper system, as in Great Britain, after the long suspension of the Bank of England; denied the necessity for increased protection to manufactures, and its inadequacy, if granted, to the relief of the country where distress prevailed; and contested the propriety of high or prohibitory duties, in the present active and intelligent state of the world, to stimulate industry and manufacturing enterprise. He said:

Mr. Webster was the leading speaker on the (Clay) has alluded to the strong inclination other side, and disputed the universality of the which exists, or has existed, in various parts of distress which had been described; claiming ex-great existing difficulties. I regard it rather as the country, to issue paper money, as a proof of a very productive cause of those difficulties; and we cannot fail to observe, that there is at this moment much the loudest complaint of distress precisely where there has been the greatest attempt to relieve it by a system of paper credit. Let us not suppose that we are beginning the protection of manufactures by duties on imports. Look to the history of our laws; look to the present state of our laws. Consider that our lected from the custom-house, and always has whole revenue, with a trifling exception, is colbeen; and then say what propriety there is in calling on the government for protection, as if no protection had heretofore been afforded. On the general question, allow me to ask if the doctrine of prohibition, as a general doctrine, be not preposterous? Suppose all nations to act upon it: they would be prosperous, then, according to the argument, precisely in the proportion in which they abolished intercourse with one another. The best apology for laws of prohibition and laws of monopoly, will be found in that state of society, not only unenlightened, but sluggish, in which they are most generally established. Private industry in those days, required strong provocatives, which government was seeking to administer by these means. Something was wanted to actuate and stimulate men, and the prospects of such profits as would, in our times, excite unbounded competition, would hardly move the sloth of former ages. In some instances, no doubt, these laws produced an effect which, in that period, would not have taken place without them. (Instancing the protection to the English woollen manufactures in the time of the Henrys and the Edwards). But our age is wholly of a different character, and its legislation takes another turn. Society is full of excitement: competition comes in place of monopoly; and intelligence and industry ask only for fair play and an open field."

"Within my own observation, there is no cause for such gloomy and terrifying a representation. In respect to the New England States, with the condition of which I am best acquainted, they present to me a period of very general prosperity. Supposing the evil then to be a depression of prices, and a partial pecuniary pressure; the next inquiry is into the causes of that evil. A depreciated currency existed in a great part of the country-depreciated to such a degree as that, at one time, exchange between the centre and the north was as high as twenty per cent. The Bank of the United States was instituted to correct this evil; but, for causes which it is not now necessary to enumerate, it did not for some years bring back the currency of the country to a sound state. In May, 1819, the British House of Commons, by an unanimous vote, decided that the resumption of cash payments by the Bank of England should not be deferred beyond the ensuing February (it had then been in a state of suspension near twentyfive years). The paper system of England had certainly communicated an artificial value to property. It had encouraged speculation, and excited overtrading. When the shock therefore came, and this violent pressure for money acted With Mr. Webster were numerous and able at the same moment on the Continent and in England, inflated and unnatural prices could be speakers on the side of free trade: From his kept up no longer. A reduction took place, own State, Mr. Baylies; from New-York, Mr. which has been estimated to have been at least Cambreling; from Virginia, Messrs. Randolph, equal to a fall of thirty, if not forty, per cent. The depression was universal; and the change Philip P. Barbour, John S. Barbour, Garnet, was felt in the United States severely, though Alexander Smythe, Floyd, Mercer, Archer, Stenot equally so in every part of them. About venson, Rives, Tucker, Mark Alexander; from the time of these foreign events, our own bank North Carolina, Messrs. Mangum, Saunders, system underwent a change; and all these causes, in my view of the subject, concurred to Spaight, Lewis Williams, Burton, Weldon N. produce the great shock which took place in our Edwards; from South Carolina, Messrs. Mccommercial cities, and through many parts of Duffie, James Hamilton, Poinsett; from Georthe country. The year 1819 was a year of nu- gia, Messrs. Forsyth, Tatnall, Cuthbert, Cobb; merous failures, and very considerable distress, from Tennessee, Messrs. Blair, Isaaks, Reynolds; and would have furnished far better grounds than exist at present for that gloomy represen- from Louisiana, Mr. Edward Livingston; from tation which has been presented. Mr. Speaker Alabama, Mr. Owen; from Maryland, Mr.

VOL. I.-3

Warfield; from Mississippi, Mr. Christopher Mr. Crawford was opposed to it; and Mr. CalRankin.

houn had been withdrawn from the list of presidential candidates, and become a candidate for the Vice-Presidency. The Southern planting States were extremely dissatisfied with the passage of the bill, believing that the new burdens upon imports which it imposed fell upon the

one section of the Union at the expense of another. The attack and support of the bill took much of a sectional aspect; Virginia, the two Carolinas, Georgia, and some others being nearly unanimous against it. Pennsylvania, New-York, Ohio, Kentucky being nearly unanimous for it. Massachusetts, which up to this time had a predominating interest in commerce, voted all, except one member, against it. With this sectional aspect, a tariff for protection also began to assume a political aspect, being taken under the care of the party since discriminated as Whig, which drew from Mr. Van Buren a sagacious remark, addressed to the manufacturers themselves; that if they suffered their inter

The bill was carried in the House, after a protracted contest of ten weeks, by the lean majority of five-107 to 102-only two members absent, and the voting so zealous that several members were brought in upon their sick couches. In the Senate the bill encountered a strenuous resist-producers of the exports, and tended to enrich ance. Mr. Edward Lloyd, of Maryland, moved to refer it to the committee on finance-a motion considered hostile to the bill; and which was lost by one vote-22 to 23. It was then, on the motion of Mr. Dickerson, of New Jersey, referred to the committee on manufactures; a reference deemed favorable to the bill, and by which committee it was soon returned to the Senate without any proposed amendment. It gave rise to a most earnest debate, and many propositions of amendment, some of which, of slight import, were carried. The bill itself was carried by the small majority of four votes-25 to 21. The principal speakers in favor of the bill were: Messrs. Dickerson, of New Jersey; D'Wolf, of Rhode Island; Holmes, of Maine; R. M. John-ests to become identified with a political party son, of Kentucky; Lowrie, of Pennsylvania; Tal- (any one), they would share the fate of that bot, of Kentucky; Van Buren. Against it the party, and go down with it whenever it sunk. principal speakers were: Messrs. James Barbour Without the increased advantages to some States, and John Taylor, of Virginia (usually called the pendency of the presidential election, and John Taylor of Caroline); Messrs. Branch, of the political tincture which the question began North Carolina; Hayne, of South Carolina; to receive, the bill would not have passed-so Henry Johnson and Josiah Johnston, of Louisi- difficult is it to prevent national legislation from ana; Kelly and King, of Alabama; Rufus King, falling under the influence of extrinsic and acciof New-York; James Lloyd, of Massachusetts; dental causes. The bill was approved by Mr. Edward Lloyd and Samuel Smith, of Maryland; Monroe-a proof that that careful and strict Macon, of North Carolina; Van Dyke, of Dela- constructionist of the Constitution did not conware. The bill, though brought forward avow-sider it as deprived of its revenue character by edly for the protection of domestic manufactures, the degree of protection which it extended. was not entirely supported on that ground. An increase of revenue was the motive with some, the public debt being still near ninety millions, and a loan of five millions being authorized at that session. An increased protection to the products of several States, as lead in Missouri and Illinois, hemp in Kentucky, iron in Pennsylvania, wool in Ohio and New-York, commanded many votes for the bill; and the impending presidential election had its influence in its favor. Two of the candidates, Messrs. Adams and Clay, were avowedly for it; General Jackson, who voted for the bill, was for it, as tending to give a home supply of the articles necessary in time of war, and as raising revenue to pay the public debt.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE A. B. PLOT.

ON Monday, the 19th of April, the Speaker of the House (Mr. Clay) laid before that body a note just received from Ninian Edwards, Esq., late Senator in Congress, from Illinois, and then Minister to Mexico, and then on his way to his post, requesting him to present to the House a communication which accompanied the note, and

which charged illegalities and misconduct on the sponsibility, the Speaker being himself a candiSecretary of the Treasury, Mr. William H. Craw-date for the Presidency, and every member of the ford. The charges and specifications, spread House a friend to some one of the candidates, inthrough a voluminous communication, were con- cluding the accused. It consisted of Mr. Floyd, the densed at its close into six regular heads of mover; Mr. Livingston, of Louisiana; Mr. Webaccusation, containing matter of impeachment; ster, of Massachusetts; Mr. Randolph, of Virgiand declaring them all to be susceptible of proof, nia; Mr. J. W. Taylor, of New-York; Mr. Duncan if the House would order an investigation. The McArthur, of Ohio; and Mr. Owen, of Alabama. communication was accompanied by ten num- The sergeant-at-arms of the House was immebers of certain newspaper publications, signed diately dispatched by the committee in pursuit A. B., of which Mr. Edwards avowed himself to of Mr. Edwards: overtook him at fifteen hunbe the author, and asked that they might be dred miles; brought him back to Washington; received as a part of his communication, and but did not arrive until Congress had adjourned. printed along with it, and taken as the specifica- In the mean time, the committee sat, and received tions under the six charges. Mr. Crawford was from Mr. Crawford his answer to the six charthen a prominent candidate for the Presidency, ges: an answer pronounced by Mr. Randolph and the A. B. papers, thus communicated to the to be "a triumphant and irresistible vindication; House, were a series of publications made in a the most temperate, passionless, mild, dignified, Washington City paper, during the canvass, to and irrefragable exposure of falsehood that ever defeat his election, and would doubtless have met a base accusation; and without one harsh shared the usual fate of such publications, and word towards their author." This was the true sunk into oblivion after the election was over, character of the answer; but Mr. Crawford did had it not been for this formal appeal to the not write it. He was unable at that time to House (the grand inquest of the nation) and this write any thing. It was written and read to call for investigation. The communication, how-him as it went on, by a treasury clerk, familiar ever, did not seem to contemplate an early in- with all the transactions to which the accusavestigation, and certainly not at the then session tions related-Mr. Asbury Dickens, since secreof Congress. Congress was near its adjourn-tary of the Senate. This Mr. Crawford told ment; the accuser was on his way to Mexico; the charges were grave; the specifications under them numerous and complex; and many of them relating to transactions with the remote western banks. The evident expectation of the accuser was, that the matter would lie over to the next session, before which time the presidential election would take place, and all the mischief be done to Mr. Crawford's character, resulting from unanswered accusations of so much gravity, and so imposingly laid before the impeaching branch of Congress. The friends of Mr. Crawford saw the necessity of immediate action; and Mr. Floyd, of Virginia, instantly, upon the reading of the communication, moved that a committee be ap-gress had adjourned. He was examined fully, pointed to take it into consideration, and that it be empowered to send for persons and papersto administer oaths-take testimony-and report it to the House; with leave to sit after the adjournment, if the investigation was not finished before; and publish their report. The committee was granted, with all the powers asked for, and was most unexceptionably composed by the speaker (Mr. Clay); a task of delicacy and re

himself at the time, with his accustomed frankness. His answer being mentioned by a friend, as a proof that his paralytic stroke had not affected his strength, he replied, that was no proofthat Dickens wrote it. The committee went on with the case (Mr. Edwards represented by his son-in-law, Mr. Cook), examined all the evidence in their reach, made a report unanimously concurred in, and exonerating Mr. Crawford from every dishonorable or illegal imputation. The report was accepted by the House; but Mr. Edwards, having far to travel on his return journey, had not yet been examined; and to hear him the committee continued to sit after Con

but could prove nothing; and the committee made a second report, corroborating the former, and declaring it as their unanimous opinionthe opinion of every one present-"that nothing had been proved to impeach the integrity of the Secretary, or to bring into doubt the general correctness and ability of his administration of the public finances."

The committee also reported all the testimony

taken, from which it appeared that Mr. Edwards | of the government with more integrity and pro

priety than Mr. Crawford did. He (Mr.Noble) until the evening of the day that I (he) was informhad never repeated this conversation to any body

himself had contradicted all the accusations in the A. B. papers; had denied the authorship of them; had applauded the conduct of Mr. Craw-ed that Gov. Edwards' 'address' was presented to ford in the use of the western banks, and their the House of Representatives. On that evening, currency in payment of the public lands, as hav- in conversation with several members of the ing saved farmers from the loss of their homes; House, amongst whem were Mr. Reid and Mr. and declared his belief, that no man in the gov-wards had avowed himself to be the author of Nelson, some of whom said that Governor Edernment could have conducted the fiscal and A. B., and others said that he had not done so, I financial concerns of the government with more remarked, that they must have misunderstood the integrity and propriety than he had done. This address,' for Gov. Edwards had pledged his was while his nominatior as minister to Mexico honor to me that he was not the author of A. B."

was depending in the Senate, and to Mr. Noble, a Senator from Indiana, and a friend to Mr. Crawford. He testified:

"That he had had a conversation with Mr. Edwards, introduced by Mr. E. himself, concerning Mr. Crawford's management of the western banks, and the authorship of the A. B. letters. That it was pending his nomination made by the President to the Senate, as minister to Mexico. He (Mr. E.) stated that he was about to be attacked in the Senate, for the purpose of defeating his nomination: that party and political spirit was now high; that he understood that charges would be exhibited against him, and

that it had been so declared in the Senate. He further remarked, that he knew me to be the decided friend of William H. Crawford, and said, I am considered as being his bitter enemy; and I am charged with being the author of the numbers signed A. B.; but (raising his hand) I pledge you my honor, I am not the author, nor do I know who the author is. Crawford and I, said Mr. Edwards, have had a little difference; but I have always considered him a high-minded, honorable, and vigilant officer of the government. He has been abused about the western banks and the unavailable funds. Leaning forward, and extending his hand, he added, now damn it, you know we both live in States where there are many poor debtors to the government for lands, together with a deranged currency. The notes on various banks being depreciated, after the effect and operation of the war in that portion of the Union, and the banks, by attempting to call in their paper, having exhausted their specie, the notes that were in circulation became of little or no value. Many men of influence in that country, said he,. have united to induce the Secretary of the Treasury to select certain banks as banks of deposit, and to take the notes of certain banks in payment for public land. Had he (Mr. Crawford) not done so, many of our inhabitants would have been turned out of doors, and lost their land; and the people of the country would have had a universal disgust against M. Crawford. And I will venture to say, said Mr. Edwards, notwithstanding I am considered his enemy, that no man in this government could have managed the fiscal and financial concerns

the nomination was depending, of all authorship Other witnesses testified to his denials, while of these publications: among them, the editors Crawford. Mr. Edwards called at their office of the National Intelligencer,-friends to Mr. at that time (the first time he had been there within a year), to exculpate himself from the imputed authorship; and did it so earnestly that the editors believed him, and published a contradiction of the report against him in their paper, stating that they had a "good reason " to know that he was not the author of these publications. That "good reason," they testified, was his own voluntary denial in this unexpected visit to their office, and his declarations in what he called a "frank and free" conversation with them on the subject. Such testimony, and the absence of all proof on the other side, was fatal to the accusations, and to the accuser. The committee reported honorably and unanimously in favor of Mr. Crawford; the Congress and the country accepted it; Mr. Edwards resigned his commission, and disappeared from the federal political theatre: and that was the end of the A. B. plot, which had filled some newspapers for a year with publications against Mr. Crawford, and which might have passed into oblivion, as the current productions and usual concomitants of a Presidential canvass, had it not been for their formal communication to Congress as ground of impeachment against a high officer. That communication carried the "six charges," and their ten chapters of specifications, into our parliamentary history, where their fate becomes one of the instructive lessons which it is the province of history to teach. The newspaper in which the A. B. papers were published, was edited by a war-office clerk, in the interest of the war Secretary (Mr. Calhoun), to the serious injury of that gentleman, who received no vote in any State voting for Mr. Crawford.

CHAPTER XV.

AMENDMENT' OF THE CONSTITUTION IN RELA

ate all excuse for previous nominations by intermediate bodies, a second election to be held forthwith between the two highest or leading candidates, if no one had had a majority of the whole number on the first trial. These are not

TION TO THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT AND new ideas, born of a spirit of change and innova

VICE-PRESIDENT.

tion; but old doctrine, advocated in the convention which framed the Constitution, by wise and good men; by Dr. Franklin and others, of Pennsylvania; by John Dickinson and others, of Delaware. But the opinion prevailed in the convention, that the mass of the people would not be sufficiently informed, discreet, and temperate to exercise with advantage so great a privilege as that of choosing the chief magistrate of a great republic; and hence the institution of an intermediate body, called the electoral college-its members to be chosen by the people— and when assembled in conclave (I use the word in the Latin sense of con and clavis, under key), to select whomsoever they should think proper for President and Vice-President. All this scheme having failed, and the people having taken hold of the election, it became just and regular to attempt to legalize their acquisition by securing to them constitutionally the full enjoyment of the rights which they imperfectly exercised. The feeling to this effect became strong as the election of 1824 approached, when there were many candidates in the field, and Congress caucuses fallen into disrepute; and several attempts were made to obtain a consti

EUROPEAN writers on American affairs are full of mistakes on the working of our government; and these mistakes are generally to the prejudice of the democratic element. Of these mistakes, and in their ignorance of the difference between the theory and the working of our system in the election of the two first officers, two eminent French writers are striking instances: Messrs. de Tocqueville and Thiers. Taking the working and the theory of our government in this particular to be the same, they laud the institution of electors, to whom they believe the whole power of election belongs (as it was intended); and hence attribute to the superior sagacity of these electors the merit of choosing all the eminent Presidents who have adorned the presidential chair. This mistake between theory and practice is known to every body in America, and should be known to enlightened men in Europe, who wish to do justice to popular government. The electors have no practical power over the election, and have had none since their institution. From the beginning they have stood pledged to vote for the candidates indicated (in the early elections) by the public will; after-tutional amendment to accomplish the purpose. wards, by Congress caucuses, as long as those caucuses followed the public will; and since, by assemblages called conventions, whether they follow the public will or not. In every case the elector has been an instrument, bound to obey a particular impulsion; and disobedience to which would be attended with infamy, and with every penalty which public indignation could inflict. From the beginning these electors have been useless, and an inconvenient intervention between the people and the object of their choice; and, in time, may become dangerous: and being useless, inconvenient, and subject to abuse and danger; having wholly failed to answer the purpose for which they were instituted (and for which purpose no one would now contend); it becomes a just conclusion that the institution should be abolished, and the election committed to the direct vote of the people. And, to obvi

Mr. McDuffie, in the House of Representatives, and myself in the Senate, both proposed such amendments; the mode of taking the direct votes to be in districts, and the persons receiving the greatest number of votes for President or Vice-President in any district, to count one vote for such office respectively; which is nothing but substituting the candidates themselves for their electoral representatives, while simplifying the election, insuring its integrity, and securing the rights of the people. In support of my proposition in the Senate, I delivered some arguments in the form of a speech, from which I here add some extracts, in the hope of keeping the question alive, and obtaining for it a better success at some future day.

"The evil of a want of uniformity in the choice of presidential electors, is not limited to its disfiguring effect upon the face of our gov