grown up during the non-importation periods of the embargo, and of hostilities with Great Britain, and under the temporary double duties which ensued the war, and which were laid for revenue. They had grown up to be a large interest, and a new one, classing in importance after agriculture and commerce. The want of articles necessary to national defence, and of others essential to individual comfort-then neither imported nor made at home-had been felt during the interruption of commerce occasioned by the war; and the advantage of a domestic supply was brought home to the conviction of the public mind. The question of protection for the sake of protection was brought forward, and carried (in the year 1816); and very unequivocally in the minimum provision in relation to duties on cotton goods. This reversed the old course of legislation-made protection the object instead of the incident, and revenue the incident instead of the object; and was another instance of constitutional construction being made dependent, not upon its own words but upon extrinsic, accidental and transient cir cumstances. It introduced a new and a large question of constitutional law, and of national expediency, fraught with many and great consequences, which fell upon the period of the THIRTY YEARS' VIEW to settle, or to grapple

and might be established as a means of executing a granted power, to wit, the power of making war. That war terminated well; and the bank having been established in the mean time, got the credit of having furnished its "sinews." The war of 1812 languished under the state of the finances and the currency, no national bank existing; and this want seemed to all to be the cause of its difficulties, and to show the necessity for a bank. The second national bank was then established-many of its old, most able, and conscientious opponents giving in to it, Mr. Madison at their head. Thus the question of a national bank again grew up-grew up out of the events of the war-and was decided against the strict construction of the constitution—to the weakening of a principle which was fundamental in the working of the government, and to the damage of the party which stood upon the doctrine of a strict construction of the constitution. But in the course of the "Thirty Years" of which it is proposed to take a "View," some of the younger generation became impressed with the belief that the constitutional currency had not had a fair trial in that war of 1812! that, in fact, it had had no trial at all! that it was not even in the field! not even present at the time when it was supposed to have failed! and that it was entitled to a trial before it was condemned. That trial has been obtained The second nation-with. al bank was left to expire upon its own limitation. The gold currency and the independent treasury were established. The Mexican war tried them. They triumphed. And thus a national bank was shown to be "unnecessary," and therefore unconstitutional. And thus a great question of constitutional construction, and of party division, three times decided by the events of war, and twice against the constitution and the strict constructionists, was decided the last time in their favor; and is entitled to stand, being the last, and the only one in which the constitutional currency had a trial.

3. The protection of American industry, as a substantive object, independent of the object of revenue, was a third question growing out of the war. Its incidental protection, under the revenue clause in the constitution, had been always acknowledged, and granted; but protection as a substantive object was a new question growing out of the state of things produced by the war. Domestic manufactures had taken root and

4. The question of internal improvement within the States, by the federal government, took a new and large development after the war. The want of facilities of transportation had been felt in our military operations. Roads were bad, and canals few; and the question of their construction became a prominent topic in Congress: common turnpike roads-for railways had not then been invented, nor had MacAdam yet given his name to the class of roads which has since borne it. The power was claimed as an incident to the granted powers-as a means of doing what was authorized- —as a means of accomplishing an end: and the word "necessary" at the end of the enumerated powers, was the phrase in which this incidental power was claimed to have been found. It was the same derivation which was found for the creation of a national bank, and involved very nearly the same division of parties. It greatly complicated the national legislation from 1820 to 1850, bringing the two parts of our double system of government-State

6. The doctrine of secession-the right of a State, or a combination of States, to withdraw from the Union, was born of that war. It was repugnant to the New England States, and opposed by them, not with arms, but with argu

and Federal-into serious disagreement, and city, but especially the House, as the great threatening to compromise their harmonious constitutional depository of the legislative power, action. Grappled with by a strong hand, it becomes its natural guardian and defender, and seemed at one time to have been settled, and is entitled to deference, in the event of a differconsistently with the rights of the States; but ence of opinion between the two branches of the sometimes returns to vex the deliberations of government. The discussions in Congress beCongress. To territories the question did not tween 1815 and 1820 greatly elucidated this extend. They have no political rights under the question; and while leaving unimpugned the constitution, and are governed by Congress obligation of the House to carry into effect a according to its discretion, under that clause treaty duly made by the President and Senate which authorizes it to "dispose of and make all within the limits of the treaty making powerneedful rules and regulations respecting the ter- upon matters subject to treaty regulation—yet ritory or other property belonging to the United it belongs to the House to judge when these States." The improvement of rivers and har- limits have been transcended, and to preserve bors, was a branch of the internal improvement inviolate the field of legislation which the constiquestion, but resting on a different clause in tution has intrusted to the immediate representhe constitution-the commercial and revenue tatives of the people. clause-and became complex and difficult from its extension to small and local objects. The party of strict construction contend for its restriction to national objects-rivers of national character, and harbors yielding revenue. 5. The boundaries between the treaty-mak-ment and remonstrance, and refusal to vote ing and the legislative departments of the government, became a subject of examination after the war, and gave rise to questions deeply affecting the working of these two departments. A treaty is the supreme law of the land, and as such it becomes obligatory on the House of Representatives to vote the money which it stipulates, and to co-operate in forming the laws necessary to carry it into effect. That is the broad proposition. The qualification is in the question whether the treaty is confined to the business of the treaty-making power? to the subjects which fall under its jurisdiction? and does not encroach upon the legislative power of Congress? This is the qualification, and a vital one: for if the President and Senate, by a treaty with a foreign power, or a tribe of Indians, could exercise ordinary legislation, and make it supreme, a double injury would have been done, and to the prejudice of that branch of the government which lies closest to the people, and emanates most directly from them. Confine-party-the difference between a UNION and a ment to their separate jurisdictions is the duty of each; but if encroachments take place, which is to judge? If the President and Senate invade the legislative field of Congress, which is to judge? or who is to judge between them? or is each to judge for itself? The House of Representatives, and the Senate in its legislative capa

supplies. They had a convention, famous under the name of Hartford, to which the design of secession was imputed. That design was never avowed by the convention, or authentically admitted by any leading member; nor is it the intent of this reference to decide upon the fact of that design. The only intent is to show that the existence of that convention raised the question of secession, and presented the first instance of the greatest danger in the working of the double form of our government—that of a collision between a part of the States and the federal government. This question, and this danger, first arose then-grew out of the war of 1812-and were hushed by its sudden termination; but they have reappeared in a different quarter, and will come in to swell the objects of the THIRTY YEARS' VIEW. At the time of its first appearance the right of secession was repulsed and repudiated by the democracy generally, and in a large degree by the federal

LEAGUE being better understood at that time when so many of the fathers of the new government were still alive. The leading language in respect to it south of the Potomac was, that no State had a right to withdraw from the Unionthat it required the same power to dissolve as to form the Union-and that any attempt to

dissolve it, or to obstruct the action of constitutional laws, was treason. If, since that time, political parties and sectional localities, have exchanged attitudes on this question, it cannot alter the question of right, and may receive some interest from the development of causes which produce such changes. Secession, a question of speculation during the war of 1812, has become a practical question (almost) during the THIRTY YEARS; and thus far has been "compromised," not settled.

8. The war had created a debt, which, added to a balance of that of the Revolution, the purchase of Louisiana, and some other items, still amounted to ninety-two millions of dollars at the period of the commencement of this "View;" and the problem was to be solved, whether a national debt could be paid and extinguished in a season of peace, leaving a nation wholly free from that encumbrance; or whether it was to go on increasing, a burthen in itself, and absorbing with its interest and changes an annual portion of the public revenues. That problem was solved, contrary to the experience of the world, and the debt paid; and the practical benefit added to the moral, of a corresponding reduction in the public taxes.

7. Slavery agitation took its rise during this time (1819-20), in the form of attempted restriction on the State of Missouri-a prohibition to hold slaves, to be placed upon her as a condition of her admission into the Union, and to be binding upon her afterwards. This agita- 9. Public distress was a prominent feature tion came from the North, and under a federal of the times to be embraced in this PRELIMINARY lead, and soon swept both parties into its vortex. VIEW. The Bank of the United States was It was quieted, so far as that form of the ques- chartered in 1816, and before 1820 had performtion was concerned, by admitting the State ed one of its cycles of delusive and bubble proswithout restriction, and imposing it on the perity, followed by actual and wide-spread remainder of the Louisiana territory north and calamity. The whole paper system, of which it west of that State, and above the parallel of 36 was the head and the citadel, after a vast expandegrees, 30 minutes; which is the prolongation sion, had suddenly collapsed, spreading desolaof the southern boundary line of Virginia and tion over the land, and carrying ruin to debtors. Kentucky. This was called a "compromise," The years 1819 and '20 were a period of gloom and was all clear gain to the antislavery side and agony. No money, either gold or silver: no of the question, and was done under the lead of paper convertible into specie: no measure, or the united slave state vote in the Senate, the standard of value, left remaining. The local majority of that vote in the House of Represen- banks (all but those of New England), after a tatives, and the undivided sanction of a Southern | brief resumption of specie payments, again sank administration. It was a Southern measure, and into a state of suspension. The Bank of the divided free and slave soil far more favorably to United States, created as a remedy for all those the North than the ordinance of 1787. That evils, now at the head of the evil, prostrate and divided about equally: this of 1820 gave about helpless, with no power left but that of suing its all to the North. It abolished slavery over an debtors, and selling their property, and purchasimmense extent of territory where it might then ing for itself at its own nominal price. No price legally exist, over nearly the whole of Louisiana, for property, or produce. No sales but those of left it only in Florida and Arkansas territory, and the sheriff and the marshal. No purchasers at opened no new territory to its existence. It execution sales but the creditor, or some hoarder was an immense concession to the non-slave- of money. No employment for industry-no holding States; but the genius of slavery agita- demand for labor-no sale for the product of the tion was not laid. It reappeared, and under farm-no sound of the hammer, but that of the different forms, first from the North, in the shape auctioneer, knocking down property. Stop of petitions to Congress to influence legislation laws-property laws-replevin laws-stay laws on the subject; then from the South, as a means-loan office laws-the intervention of the legisof exciting one half the Union against the other, lator between the creditor and the debtor: this and laying the foundation for a Southern confede- was the business of legislation in three-fourths racy. With this new question, in all its forms, of the States of the Union-of all south and the men of the new generation have had to grap-west of New England. No medium of exchange ple for the whole period of the "Thirty Years." but depreciated paper: no change even, but

rages to which we had been subject. No more impressments: no more searching our ships: no more killing: no more carrying off to be forced to serve on British ships against their own country. The national flag became respected. It became the Ægis of those who were under it. The national character appeared in a new light

little bits of foul paper, marked so many cents, and signed by some tradesman, barber, or innkeeper: exchanges deranged to the extent of fifty or one hundred per cent. DISTRESS, the universal cry of the people: RELIEF, the universal demand thundered at the doors of all legislatures, State and federal. It was at the moment when this distress had reached its maximum- abroad. We were no longer considered as a 1820-21-and had come with its accumulated force upon the machine of the federal government, that this "VIEW" of its working begins. It is a doleful starting point, and may furnish great matter for contrast, or comparison, at its concluding period in 1850.

Such were some of the questions growing out of the war of 1812, or immediately ensuing its termination. That war Brought some difficulties to the new generation, but also great advantages, at the head of them the elevation of the national character throughout the world. It immensely elevated the national character, and, as a consequence, put an end to insults and out

people so addicted to commerce as to be insensible to insult: and we reaped all the advantages, social, political, commercial, of this auspicious change. It was a war necessary to the honor and interest of the United States, and was bravely fought, and honorably concluded, and makes a proud era in our history. I was not in public life at the time it was declared, but have understood from those who were, that, except for the exertions of two men (Mr. Monroe in the Cabinet, and Mr. Clay in Congress), the declaration of war could not have been obtained. Honor to their memories!

THIRTY YEARS' VIEW.