10. TREATY OF AMITY AND COMMERCE WITH SIAM.-This was concluded in March, 1833, Mr. Edmund Roberts the negotiator on the part of the United States, and contained the provisions in behalf of American citizens and commerce which had been agreed upon in the treaty with the Sublime Porte, which was itself principally framed upon that with Morocco in 1787; and which may well become the model of all that may be made, in all time to come, with all the Oriental nations.

11. THE SAME WITH THE SULTAN OF MusCAT.

Such were the fruits of the foreign diplomacy of President Jackson. There were other treaties negotiated under his administration— with Austria, Mexico, Chili, Peru, Bolivia, Venezuela-but being in the ordinary course of foreign intercourse, do not come within the scope of this View, which confines itself to a notice of such treaties as were new or difficult

9. RENEWAL OF THE TREATY WITH MOROCco.-A treaty had been made with this power in the time of the old Congress under the Confederation; and it is honorable to Morocco to see in that treaty, at the time when all other powers on the Barbary coast deemed the property of a Christian, lawful prey, and his person a proper subject for captivity, entering into such stipulations as these following, with a nation so young as the United States: "Neither party to take commissions from an enemy; persons and property captured in an enemy's vessel to be released; American citizens and effects to be restored; stranded vessels to be protected; vessels engaged in gunshot of forts to be protected; enemies' vessels not allowed to follow out of port for twenty-four hours; American commerce to be on the most favored footing; exchange of prisoners in time of war; no compulsion in buying or selling goods; no examination of goods on board, except contraband was proved; no detention of vessels; disputes between Ameri--which were unattainable by previous adminiscans to be settled by their consuls, and the con- trations; and those which brought indemnity sul assisted when necessary; killing punished to our citizens for spoliations committed upon by the law of the country; the effects of per- them in the time of General Jackson's predesons dying intestate to be taken care of, and de-cessors. In this point of view, the list of trealivered to the consul, and, if no consul, to be ties presented, is grand and impressive; the deposited with some person of trust; no appeal bare recital of which, in the most subdued lanto arms unless refusal of friendly arrangements; guage of historical narrative, places the foreign in case of war, nine months to be allowed to diplomacy of General Jackson on a level with citizens of each power residing in the dominions the most splendid which the history of any naof the other to settle their affairs and remove." tion has presented. First, the direct trade with This treaty, made in 1787, was the work of the British West Indies, which had baffled the Benjamin Franklin (though absent at the sig- skill and power of all administrations, from nature), John Adams, at London, and Thomas Washington to John Quincy Adams inclusive, Jefferson, at Paris, acting through the agent, recovered, established, and placed on a permaThomas Barclay, at Fez; and was written with nent and satisfactory footing. Then indemnities a plainness, simplicity and beauty, which I have from France, Spain, Denmark, Naples, Portugal, not seen equalled in any treaty, between any for injuries committed on our commerce in the nations, before or since. It was extended to time of the great Napoleon. Then original treafifty years, and renewed by General Jackson, in ties of commerce and friendship with great powers the last year of his administration, for fifty from which they never could be obtained before years more; and afterwards until twelve months' -Russia, Austria, the Sublime Porte. Then notice of a desire to abridge it should be given leaving his country at peace with all the world, by one of the parties. The resident American after going through an administration of eight consul at Tangier, Mr. James R. Leib, negotia- years which brought him, as a legacy from his ted the renewal; and all the parties concerned predecessors, the accumulated questions of half had the good taste to preserve the style and an age to settle with the great powers. This is language of the original throughout. It will the eulogy of FACTS, Worth enough, in the plainstand, both for the matter and the style, a monu- est language, to dispense with eulogium of ment to the honor of our early statesmen.

WORDS.

CHAPTER CXXXV.

SLAVERY AGITATION.

resentment of Southern people. His letter was not to a neighbor, or to a citizen in private life, but to a public man on the theatre of national action, and one who had acted a part in composing national difficulties. It was evidently written for a purpose. It was in answer to Mr. Clay's expressed belief, that no design hostile to Southern slavery existed in the body of the Northern people-to concur with him in that belief-and to give him warning that the danger was in another quarter-in the South itself: and that it looked to a dissolution of the Union. It was to warn an eminent public man of a new source of national danger, more alarming than the one he had just been composing.

"It is painful to see the unceasing efforts to alarm the South by imputations against the North of unconstitutional designs on the subject of slavery. You are right, I have no doubt, in believing that no such intermeddling disposition exists in the body of our Northern brethren. Their good faith is sufficiently guaranteed by the interest they have as merchants, as ship owners, and as manufacturers, in preserving a Union with the slaveholding States. On the About the same time, and to an old as 1 conother hand what madness in the South to look fidential friend (Edward Coles, Esq., who had for greater safety in disunion. It would be been his private secretary when President), Mr. worse than jumping into the fire for fear of the Madison also wrote: "On the other hand what frying pan. The danger from the alarms is, that more dangerous than nullification, or more evithe pride and resentment exerted by them may dent than the progress it continues to make, be an overmatch for the dictates of prudence; either in its original shape or in the disguises it and favor the project of a Southern convention, assumes? Nullification has the effect of putinsidiously revived, as promising by its councils, ting powder under the constitution and the the best securities against grievances of every sort Union, and a match in the hand of every party from the North."-So wrote Mr. Madison to Mr. to blow them up at pleasure. And for its proClay, in June 1833. It is a writing every word gress, hearken to the tone in which it is now of which is matter for grave reflection, and the preached: cast your eyes on its increasing minordate at the head of all. It is dated just three ities in the most of the Southern States, without months after the tariff "compromise" of 1833, a decrease in any of them. Look at Virginia which, in arranging the tariff question for nine herself, and read in the gazettes, and in the proyears, was supposed to have quieted the South ceedings of popular meetings, the figure which the -put an end to agitation, and to the idea of a anarchical principle now makes, in contrast with Southern convention—and given peace and har- the scouting reception given to it but a short mony to the whole Union. Not so the fact-at time ago. It is not probable that this offspring least not so the fact in South Carolina. Agita- of the discontents of South Carolina will ever tion did not cease there on one point, before it approach success in a majority of the States:: began on another: the idea of a Southern con- but a susceptibility of the contagion in the vention for one cause, was hardly abandoned Southern States is visible: and the danger not before it was "insidiously revived" upon another. to be concealed, that the sympathy arising from I use the language of Mr. Madison in qualifying known causes, and the inculcated impression of this revival with a term of odious import: for a permanent incompatibility of interests between no man was a better master of our language than the South and the North, may put it in the power he was no one more scrupulously just in all of popular leaders, aspiring to the highest sta-his judgments upon men and things-and no tions, to unite the South on some critical occa-one occupying a position either personally, po- sion, in a course that will end in creating a new litically, or locally, to speak more advisedly on theatre of great though inferior interest. In the subject of which he spoke. He was pained pursuing this course, the first and most obvious to see the efforts to alarm the South on the sub-step is nullification, the next secession, and the ject of slavery, and the revival of the project for last a farewell separation." a Southern convention; and he feared the effect which these alarms should have on the pride and VOL. I.-39

In this view of the dangers of nullification in its new "disguise"-the susceptibility of the South to

"The proper time for a convention of the slaveholding States will be when the legislatures of Pennsylvania, Massachusetts and New-York shall have adjourned without passing laws for the suppression of the abolition societies. Should his purposes. One of these was the mail transeither of these States pass such laws, it would mission into the slave States of incendiary pubbe well to wait till their efficacy should be test-lications; and it has been seen in what manner ed. The adjournment of the legislatures of the he availed himself of that wickedness to prediNorthern States without adopting any measures effectually to put down Garrison, Tappan and their associates, will present an issue which must be met by the South, or it will be vain for us ever

in the District of Columbia; and his conduct counteracted. But he dreaded the agitation with respect to these petitions, remains to be shown. Mr. Morris, of Ohio, presented two from that State, himself opposed to touching the subject of slavery in the States, but deeming it his duty to present those which applied to the District of Columbia. Mr. Calhoun de

manded that they be read; which being done,

which would rise out of the discussion in Congress on the subject. Every man knew that there existed a body of men in the Northern States who were ready to second any insurrectionary movement of the blacks; and that these men would be on the alert to turn these discussions to their advantage. He dreaded the discussion in another sense. It would have a

tendency to break asunder this Union. What effect could be brought about by the interference "He demanded the question on receiving of these petitioners? Could they expect to them, which, he said, was a preliminary ques- produce a change of mind in the Southern peotion, which any member had a right to make. ple? No; the effect would be directly the He demanded it on behalf of the State which opposite. The more they were assailed on this he represented; he demanded it, because the pe-point, the more closely would they cling to titions were in themselves a foul slander on their institutions. And what would be the nearly one half of the States of the Union; he effect on the rising generation, but to inspire it demanded it, because the question involved was with odium against those whose mistaken views one over which neither this nor the House had and misdirected zeal menaced the peace and seany power whatever; and and a stop might be curity of the Southern States. The effect must put to that agitation which prevailed in so large be to bring our institutions into odium. As a a section of the country, and which, unless lover of the Union, he dreaded this discussion ; checked, would endanger the existence of the and asked for some decided measure to arrest Union. That the petitions just read contained the course of the evil. There must, there shall a gross, false, and malicious slander, on eleven be some decided step, or the Southern people States represented on this floor, there was no never will submit. And how are we to treat man who in his heart could deny. This was, in the subject? By receiving these petitions one itself, not only good, but the highest cause why after another, and thus tampering, trifling, these petitions should not be received. Had it sporting with the feelings of the South? No, not been the practice of the Senate to reject peti- no, no! The abolitionists well understand the tions which reflected on any individual member effect of such a course of proceeding. It will of their body; and should they who were the give importance to their movements, and acrepresentatives of sovereign States permit peti- celerate the ends they propose. Nothing tions to be brought there, wilfully, maliciously, can, nothing will stop these petitions but a almost wickedly, slandering so many sovereign States of this Union? Were the States to be prompt and stern rejection of them. We must turn them away from our doors, regardless of less protected than individual members on that what may be done or said. If the issue must floor? He demanded the question on receiving be, let it come, and let us meet it, as, I hope, the petitions, because they asked for what was we shall be prepared to do." a violation of the constitution. The question of emancipation exclusively belonged to the sevThis was new and extreme ground taken by eral States. Congress had no jurisdiction on the subject, no more in this District than the Mr. Calhoun. To put the District of Columbia State of South Carolina: it was a question for and the States on the same footing with respect the individual State to determine, and not to be to slavery legislation, was entirely contrary to touched by Congress. He himself well understood, and the people of his State should under- the constitution itself, and to the whole docstand, that this was an emancipation movement. trine of Congress upon it. The constitution Those who have moved in it regard this District gave to Congress exclusive jurisdiction over the as the weak point through which the first move- District of Columbia, without limitation of ment should be made upon the States. We (said Mr. C.), of the South, are bound to resist subjects; but it had always refused, though it. We will meet this question as firmly as if often petitioned, to interfere with the subject of it were the direct question of emancipation in slavery in the District of Columbia so long as it the States. It is a movement which ought to, existed in the two States (Maryland and Virgiwhich must be, arrested, in limine, or the guards of the constitution will give way and be de- nia) which ceded that District to the federal stroyed. He demanded the question on receiv- government. The doctrine of Mr. Calhoun was, ing the petitions, because of the agitation which therefore, new; his inference that slavery was would result from discussing the subject. The to be attacked in the States through the opening danger to be apprehended was from the agita- in the District, was gratuitous; his "demand" tion of the question on that floor. fear those incendiary publications which were (for that was the word he constantly used), that circulated abroad, and which could easily be these petitions should be refused a reception,

He did not