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by myself, that an annual revenue to the extent the revenue itself is reduced below the exof a fourth or a fifth below the annual expendi-penditure. This is a financial paradox, sustainture, is sufficient to meet that annual expendi- able upon reason, proved by facts, and visible ture; and consequently that there is no neces- in the state of the treasury at all times; yet I sity to levy as much as is expended, or to pro- have endeavored in vain to establish it; and vide by law for keeping a certain amount in the Congress is as careful as ever to provide an antreasury when the receipts are equal, or superior nual income equal to the annual expenditure; to the expenditure. He said:

and to make permanent provision by law to keep " The balance in the treasury on the first up a reserve in the treasury; which would be of January last was six millions three hun- there of itself without such law as long as the dred and fifty-eight thousand six hundred and revenue comes within a fourth or a fifth of the eighty-six dollars and eighteen cents. The

expenditure. receipts from that day to the 30th of September last, as near as the returns of them yet

The following members composed the two received can show, amount to sixteen millions Houses at this, the first session of the twentieth eight hundred and eighty-six thousand five Congress : hundred and eighty-one dollars and thirty-two

SENATE. dents. The receipts of the present quarter,

Maine-John Chandler, Albion K. Parris. estimated at four millions five hundred and fifteen thousand, added to the above, form an ag, bury.

New HAMPSHIRE-Samuel Bell, Levi Woodgregate of twenty-one millions four hundred thousand dollars of receipts. The expenditures Webster.

MASSACHUSETTS-Nathaniel Silsbee, Daniel of the year may perhaps amount to twenty-two

CONNECTICUT-Samuel A. Foot, Calvin Willey. millions three hundred thousand dollars, present

Rhode ISLAND_Nehemiah R. Knight, Asher ing a small excess over the receipts. But of

Robbins. these twenty-two millions, upwards of six have

VERMONT—Dudley Chase, Horatio Seymour. been applied to the discharge of the principal of

New-York-Martin Van Buren, Nathan Santhe public debt; the whole amount of which,

ford. approaching seventy-four millions on the first of

New Jerser-Mahlon Dickerson, Ephraim January last, will on the first day of next year Bateman. fall short of sixty-seven millions and a half. The balance in the treasury on the first of Jan

PENNSYLVANIA-William Marks, Isaac D.

Barnard, uary next, it is expected, will exceed five millions

DELAWARE-Louis M‘Lane, Henry M. Ridgefour hundred and fifty thousand dollars; a sum

ley. exceeding that of the first of January, 1825,

MARYLAND—Ezekiel F. Chambers, Samuel though falling short of that exhibited on the first

Smith. of January last.”

VIRGINIA—Littleton W. Tazewell, John Tyler. In this statement the expenditures of the year North CAROLINA-John Branch, Nathaniel are shown to exceed the income, and yet to leave Macon.

South CaroliNA-William Smith, Robert Y. a balance, about equal to one fourth of the whole

Hayne. in the treasury at the end of the year; also GEORGIA-John MPherson Berrien, Thomas that the balance was larger at the end of the W. Cobb. preceding year, and nearly the same at the end

KENTUCKY-Richard M.Johnson, John Rowan. of the year before. And the message might

TENNESSEE—John H. Eaton, Hugh L. White.

OH10—William H. Harrison, Benjamin Rughave added, that these balances were about the gles. same at the end of every quarter of every year, LOUISIANA-Dominique Bouligny, Josiah S. and every day of every quarter—all resulting Johnston. from the impossibility of applying money to ob

INDIANA— William Hendricks, James Noble.

MississIPPI–Powhatan Ellis, Thomas H. Wiljects until there has been time to apply it. Yet liams. in the time of those balances of which Mr. Ad- ILLINOIS--Elias K. Kane, Jesse B. Thomas. ams speaks, there was a law to retain two mil- ALABAMA--John McKinley, William R. King. lions in the treasury; and now there is a law to

Missouri-David Barton, Thomas H. Benton. retain six millions; while the current balances,

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. at the rate of a fourth or a fifth of the income, are many times greater than the sum ordered to be Rufus M'Intire, Jeremiah 'O'Brien, James W.

MAINE-John Anderson, Samuel Butman, retained; and cannot be reduced to that sum, Ripley, Peleg Sprague, Joseph F. Wingate—7. by regular payments from the treasury, until New HamPSHIRE–Ichabod Bartlett, David




Barker, jr., Titus Brown, Joseph Healey, Jona- R. Mitchell, Wm. T. Nuckolls, Starling Tucker than Harvey, Thomas Whipple, jr.–6.

MASSACHUSETTS-Samuel C. Allen, John Bai- GEORGIA—John Floyd, Tomlinson Fort ley, Issac C. Bates, B. W. Crowninshield, John Charles E. Haynes, George R. Gilmer, Wilson Davis, Henry W. Dwight, Edward Everett, Lumpkin, Wiley Thompson, Richard H. Wilde—7. Benjamin Gorham, James L. Hodges, John KENTUCKY—Richard A. Buckner, James Clark, Locke, John Reed, Joseph Richardson, John Henry Daniel, Joseph Lecompte, Robert P. Varnum--15.

Letcher, Chittenden Lyon, Thomas Metcalfe, RHODE ISLAND—Tristam Burges, Dutee J. Robert M'Hatton, Thomas P. Moore, Charles A. Pearce-2

Wickliffe, Joel Yancey, Thomas Chilton-12. CONNECTICUT-John Baldwin. Noyes Barber, TENNESSEE—John Bell, John Blair, David Ralph J. Ingersoll, Orange Merwin, Elisha Crockett, Robert Desha, Jacob C. Isacks, Pryor Phelps, David Plant-6.

Lea, John H. Marable, James C. Mitchell, James VERMONT-Daniel A. A. Buck, Jonathan K. Polk9. Ilunt, Rolin C. Mallary, Benjamin Swift, George 0110—Mordecai Bartley, Philemon Beecher, E. Wales-5.

William Creighton, jr., John Davenport, James NEW-YORK-Daniel D. Barnard, George 0. Findlay, Wm. M'Lean, William Russell. John Belden, Rudolph Bunner, C. C. Cambreleng, Sloane William Stanberry, Joseph Vance, Samuel Samuel Chase, John C. Clark, John D. Dickin- F. Vinton, Elisha Whittlesey, John Woods, John son, Jonas Earll, jr., Daniel G. Garnsey, Na-C. Wright-14. thaniel Garrow, John I. De Graff, John Hallock. Louisiana-William L. Brent, Henry H. jr., Selah R. Hobbie, Michael Hoffman, Jeromus Gurley, Edward Livingston–3. Johnson, Richard Keese, llenry Markell, II. C. INDIANA-—- Thomas II. Blake, Jonathan JenMartindale, Dudley Marvin, John Magee, John nings, Oliver II. Smith --3. Maynard, Thomas J. Oakley, S. Van Rensselaer, MISSISSIPPI-William Haile-1. Henry R. Storrs, James Strong, John G. Stower, ILLINOIS-Joseph Duncan-1. Phineas L. Tracy, John W. Taylor, G. C. Ver- ALABAMA-Gabriel Moore, John M'Kee, planck, Aaron Ward, John J. Wood, Silas Wood, George W. Owen—3. David Woodcock, Silas Wright, jr.-34.

Missouri-Edward Bates-1.
NEW JERSEY—Lewis Condict, George Hol-
combe, Isaac Pierson, Samuel Swan, Edge
Thompson, Ebenezer Tucker-6

PENNSYLVANIA— William Addams, Samuel MICHIGAN TERRITORY—Austin E. Wing.
Anderson, Stephen Barlow, James Buchanan, FLORIDA TERRITORY —Joseph M. White.
Richard Coulter, Chauncey Forward, Joseph Fry,
jr., Innes Green, Samuel D. Ingham, George This list of members presents an immense
Kremer, Adam King, Joseph Lawrence, Daniel
H. Miller, Charles Miner, John Mitchell, Samuel array of talent, and especially of business talent;
M'Kean, Robert Orr, jr., William Ramsay, John and in its long succession of respectable names,
Sergeant, James S. Stevenson, John B. Sterigere, many will be noted as having attained national
Andrew Stewart, Joel B. Sutherland, Espy Van reputations—others destined to attain that dis-
Horn, James Wilson, George Wolf-26.
DELAWARE-Kensy Johns. jr.-1.

tinction-while many more, in the first class of MARYLAND—John Barney, Clement Dorsey, useful and respectable members, remained without Levin Gale, John Leeds Kerr, Peter Little, national renown for want of that faculty which Michael C. Sprigg, G. C. Washington, John C. nature seems most capriciously to have scattered Weems, Ephraim K. Wilson—9.

VIRGINIA—Mark Alexander, Robert Allen, among the children of men—the faculty of fluent Wm. S. Archer, Wm. Armstrong, jr., John S. Bar- and copious speech ;-giving it to some of great bour, Philip P. Barbour, Burwell Bassett, N. H. judgment-denying it to others of equal, or still Claiborne, Thomas Davenport, John Floyd, Isaac greater judgment—and lavishing it upon some Letter, Lewis Maxwell, Charles F. Mercer, of no judgment at all. The national eyes are William M'Coy, Thomas Newton, John Randolph, William C. Rives, John Roane, Alexan- fixed upon the first of these classes—the men der Smyth, A Stevenson, John Talliaferro, James of judgment and copious speech; and even those Trezvant--22.

in the third class obtain national notoriety; while NORTH CAROLINA-Willis Alston, Daniel L. Barringer, John H. Bryan, Samuel P. Carson,

the men in the second class—the men of judgHenry W. Conner, John Culpeper, Thomas H. ment and few words—are extremely valued and Hall, Gabriel Holmes, John Long, Lemuel Saw- respected in the bodies to which they belong, yer, A. H. Shepperd, Daniel Turner, Lewis Wil- and have great weight in the conduct of business. liams-13.

South CAROLINA—John Carter, Warren R. They are, in fact, the business men, often more Davis, William Drayton, James Hamilton, jr., practical and efficient than the great orators George M'Duffie, William D. Martin, Thomas This twentieth Congress, as all others that have


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been, contained a large proportion of these most tutions. It is the system of equal rights and useful and respectable members; and it will be privileges secured by the representative principle the pleasant task of this work to do them the ceeds of the labor of some to taxation, in the

-a system, which, instead of subjecting the projustice which their modest merit would not do view to enrich others, secures to all the proceeds for themselves.

of their labor-exempts all from taxation, except for the support of the protecting power of the government. As a tax necessary to the support of the government, he would support itcall it by what name you please ;--as a tax for any other purpose, and especially for the purposes

to which he had alluded-it had his individual CHAPTER XXXIV. reprobation, under whatever name it might asPEVISION OF THE TARIFF.

“It might, he observed, be inferred from what he had said, that he would vote against the bill.

Ile did not wish any doubts to be entertained as The tariff of 1828 is an era in our legislation, to the vote he should give upon this measure, or being the event from which the doctrine of the reasons which would influence him to give “ nullification” takes its origin, and from which it: He was not at liberty to substitute his in& serious division dates between the North and dividual opinion for that of his Statc. lle was

one of the organs here, of a State, that had, by the the South. It was the work of politicians and tariff of 1821, been chained to the car of the Eastmanufacturers; and was commenced for the ern manufacturers-a State that had been from benefit of the woollen interest, and upon a bill that time, and was now groaning under the presschiefly designed to favor that branch of manu

ure of that unequal and unjust measure-a facturing industry. But, like all other bills of the prevailing illusion throughout the United

measure from the pressure of which, owing to the kind, it required help from other interests to States, she saw no hope of escape, by a speedy get itself along; and that help was only to be return to correct principles ; -and seeing no hope obtained by admitting other interests into the of escaping from the ills of the system. she is conbenefits of the bill. And so, what began as a herself of the mitigation which this bill presents,

strained, on principles of self-defence, to avail special benefit, intended for the advantage of a in the duties which it imposes upon foreign hemp. particular interest, became general, and ended spirits, iron, and molasses. The hemp, iron, and with including all manufacturing interests-or distilled spirits of the West, will, like the woollens at least as many as were necessary to make up of the tax indirectly imposed by this bill, upon

of the Eastern States, he encouraged to the extent the strength necessary to carry it. The produc- those who shall buy and consume them. Those tions of different States, chiefly in the West, who may need, and buy those articles, must pay were favored by additional duties on their rival to the grower, or manufacturer of them, an inimports; as lead in Missouri and Illinois, and creased price to the amount of the duties imposed hemp of Kentucky; and thus, though opposed to this tax upon the labor of the consumer,

upon the like articles of foreign growth or fabric.

his to the object of the bill, many members were individual opinion was opposed. But, as the necessitated to vote for it. Mr. Rowan, of Ken- organ of the State of Kentucky, he felt himself tucky, well exposed the condition of others in bound to surrender his individual opinion, and this respect, in showing his own in some remarks express the opinion of his State.” which he made, and in which he said:

Thus, this tariff bill, like every one admitting " He was not opposed to the tariff as a system

a variety of items, contains a vicious principle, by of revenue, honestly devoted to the objects and which a majority may be made up to pass a purposes of revenue on the contrary, he was measure which they do not approve. But be. friendly to a tariff of that character; but when sides variety of agricultural and manufacturing perverted by the ambition of political aspirants, items collected into this bill, there was another and the secret influence of inordinate cupidity, to purposes of individual, and sectional ascendency, of very different import admitted into it, namely, he could not be seduced by the captivation of that of party politics. A presidential election narnes, or terms, however attractive, to lend it was approaching: General Jackson and Mr. his individual support.

Adams were the candidates the latter in favor “ It is in vain, Mr. President, said he, that it is called the American System-names do not alter

of the “ American System "-of which Mr. Clay things. There is but one American System, and (his Secretary of State) was the champion, and that is delineated in the State and Federal consti- indissolubly connected with him in the public

mind in the issue of the election. This tariff Now the imputation is precisely of an opposite was made an administration measure, and be character. The present measure is pronounced came an issue in the canvass ; and to this Mr. to be brought forward by her agency, and de

to be exclusively for the benefit of New England; Rowan significantly alluded when he spoke of a signed to gratify the cupidity of her wealthy es tariff as being "perverted by the ambition of tablishments. political aspirants.” It was in vain that the

“Both charges, sir, are equally without the

slightest foundation. The opinion of New Engmanufacturers were warned not to mix their in- land, up to 1824, was founded in the conviction, terests with the doubtful game of politics. They that, on the whole, it was wisest and best, both yielded to the temptation-yielded as a class, for herself and others, that manufacturers should though with individua! exceptions—for the sake make haste slowly. She felt a reluctance to trust of the temporary benefit, without seeming to re- patronage ; for who could tell how long such

great interests on the foundation of government alize the danger of connecting their interests patronage would last, or with what steadiness, with the fortunes of a political party. This skill, or perseverance, it would continue to be tariff of '28, besides being remarkable for giving granted? It is now nearly fifteen years, since, birth to “ nullification," and heart-burning be- among the first things which I ever ventured to

say here, was the expression of a serious doubt tween the North and the South, was also re-whether this government was fitted by its conmarkable for a change of policy in the New struction, to administer aid and protection to England States, in relation to the protective particular pursuits; whether, having called such system. Being strongly commercial, these States pursuits

into being by indications of its favor, it

would not, afterwards, desert them, when troubles had hitherto favored free trade ; and Mr. Web- come upon them; and leave them to their fata ster was the champion of that trade up to 1824. Whether this prediction, the result, certainly, of At this session a majority of those States, and chance, and not of sagacity, will so soon be ful

filled, remains to be seen. especially those which classed politically with

" At the same time it is true, that from the Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay, changed their policy: very first commencement of the government and Webster became a champion of the protec- those who have administered its concerns have tive system. The cause of this change, as then held a tone of encouragement and invitation to alleged, was the fact that the protective system All the Presidents. I believe, without exception,

wards those who should embark in manufactures had become the established policy of the govern- have concurred in this general sentiment; and ment, and that these States had adapted their the very first act of Congress, laying duties of imindustry to it; though it was insisted, on the post, adopted the then unusual expedient of a other hand, that political calculation had more that of declaring, that the duties, which it impos

preamble, apparently for little other purpose than to do with the change than federal legislation: ed, were imposed for the encouragement and pro and, in fact, the question of this protection was tection of manufactures. When, at the com one of those which lay at the foundation of par- mencement of the late war, duties were doubled ties, and was advocated by General Hamilton in we were told that we should find a mitigation of

the weight of taxation in the new aid and suo one of his celebrated reports of fifty years ago. cor which would be thus afforded to our own But on this point it is right that New England manufacturing labor. Like arguments were should speak for herself, which she did at the time urged, and prevailed, but not by the aid of New of the discussion of the tariff in '28 ; and through England votes, when the tariff was afterwards

arranged at the close of the war, in 1816. Fi the member, now a senator (Mr. Webster), who nally, after a whole winter's deliberation, the aet typified in his own person the change which his of 1824 received the sanction of both Houses of section of the Union had undergone. He said : Congress, and settled the policy of the country.

What, then, was New England to do? She was “New England, sir, has not been a leader in fitted' for manufacturing operations, by the this policy. On the contrary, she held back, her- amount and character of her population, by her self

, and tried to hold others back from it, from capital, by the vigor and energy of her free labor, the adoption of the constitution to 18:24. Up to by the skill, economy, enterprise, and persever 1824, she was accused of sinister and selfish de- ance of her people. I repeat, what was she, unsigns, because she discountenanced the progress der these circumstances, to do? A great and of this policy. It was laid to her charge, then, prosperous rival in her near neighborhood, threatthat having established her manufactures herself, ening to draw from her a part, perhaps a great she wished that others should not have the power part, of her foreign commerce; was she to use. of rivalling her; and, for that reason, opposed all or to neglect, those other means of seeking her legislative encouragement. Under this angry own prosperity which belonged to her character denunciation against her, the act of 1824 passed. and her conditiou? Was she to hold out, for

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ever, against the course of the government, and per centum; and it was carried. I moved a see herself losing, on one side, and yet making no duty upon indigo, a former staple of the South, efforts to sustain herself on the other ? No, sir.

but now declined to a slight production; and I Nothing was left to New England, after the act of 1821, but to conform herself to the will of proposed a rate of duty in harmony with the others. Nothing was left to her, but to consider protective features of the bill. No southern that the government had fixed and determined member would move that duty, because he opits own policy; and that policy was protection.”

posed the principle: I moved it, that the “AmerThe question of a protective tariff had now ican System,” as it was called, should work not only become political

, but sectional. In the alike in all parts of our America. I supported early years of the federal government it was not the motion with some reasons, and some views So. The tariff bills, as the first and the second of the former cultivation of that plant in the that were passed, declared in their preambles Southern States, and its present decline, thus: that they were for the encouragement of manu- “Mr. Benton then proposed an amendment, to factures, as well as for raising revenue; but impose a duty of 25 cents per pound on imported then the duties imposed were all moderate- indigo, with a progressive increase at the rate of such as a revenue system really required; and 25 cents per pound per annum, until the whole there were no “ minimums," to make a false ba- duty amounted to $1 per pound. He stated his

object to be two-fold in proposing this duty, first, sis for the calculation of duties, by enacting to place the American System beyond the reach that all which cost less than a certain amount of its enemies, by procuring a home supply of an should be counted to have cost that amount;

article indispensable to its existence; and next, and be rated at the custom-house accordingly. of one of its ancient and valuable staples.

to benefit the South by reviving the cultivation In this early period the Southern States were Indigo was first planted in the Carolinas and as ready as any part of the Union in extending Georgia about the year 1740, and succeeded so the protection to home industry which resulted well as to command the attention of the British

An from the imposition of revenue duties on rival manufacturers and the British parliament.

act was passed for the encouragement of its proimported articles, and on articles necessary to duction in these colonies, in the reign of George ourselves in time of war; and some of her the Second; the preamble to which Mr. B. read, statesmen were amongst the foremost members and recommended to the consideration of the of Congress in promoting that policy. As late Senate. It recited that a regular, ample, and as 1816, some of her statesmen were still in favor

certain supply of indigo was indispensable to the

success of British manufacturers; that these of protection, not merely as an incident to reve- manufacturers were then dependent upon foreignnue, but as a substantive object : and among ers for a supply of this article; and that it was these was Mr. Calhoun, of South Carolina--who the dictate of a wise policy to encourage the pro

duction of it at home. The act then went on to even advocated the minimum provision—then direct that a premium of sixpence sterling should for the first time introduced into a tariff bill, and be paid out of the British treasury for every upon his motion—and applied to the cotton pound of indigo imported into Great Britain, goods imported. After that year (1816) the from the Carolinas and Georgia. Under the fostariff bills took a sectional aspect-the Southern tering influence of this bounty, said Mr. B.

, the

cultivation of indigo became great and extensive. States, with the exception of Louisiana (led by In six years after the passage of the act, the exher sugar-planting interest), against them: the port was 217,000 lbs. and at the breaking out of New England States also against them: the the Revolution it amounted to 1,100,000 lbs. The Middle and Western States for them.

Southern colonies became rich upon it; for the After

cultivation of cotton was then unknown; rice and 1824 the New England States (always meaning indigo were the staples of the South. After the the greatest portion when a section is spoken of) Revolution, and especially after the great territoclassed with the protective States—leaving the rial acquisitions which the British made in India, South alone, as a section, against that policy. premium was no longer paid ; and the British

the cultivation of American indigo declined. The My personal position was that of a great government, actuated by the same wise policy many others in the three protective sections, which made them look for a home supply of this opposed to the policy, but going with it, on ac- article from the Carolinas, when they were a part count of the interest of the State in the protec- for the same reason.

of the British possessions, now looked to India tion of some of its productions. I moved an ad- indigo rapidly declined. In 1800 it had fallen to

The export of American ditional duty upon lead, equal to one hundred | 400,000 lbs. ; in 1814 to 40,000 lbs,; and in the

VOL. 1.-7


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