the Druses, the Albanians, and the Bosnians, against the Mussulman; war to the knife on the part of a moiety of the population of Egypt and of Syria, against the other moiety; war to the knife on the part of the pacha, to obtain the total independence of Egypt of the suzeraineté of the Porte; and, finally, war to the knife on the parts of various European powers, as well as Asiatic countries, the one against the other, in order to obtain their portions of the eastern world! This is the cry of the war party in Europe, and its emissaries have reached the pacha at Alexandria, and inspired him with a thirst for blood and vengeance; whilst others have roused the sultan's ire against Ibrahim, and he has ordered his generalissimo to cross the Euphrates! But is this the way of settling the Eastern question? We think not; though, at least, it proves to demonstration the impossibility of maintaining the statu quo. Having examined, with the attention which they merited, the various plans which have been recently proposed for the settlement of the Eastern question, we propose very hastily to sketch the varied positions of the contending parties, and to reply to the inquiry, "What is to be done in the affairs of the East?" It appears to us, that there is a great preliminary inquiry to be instituted before we can arrive at any certain or accurate conclusion, and that inquiry is the following:-"Is the Ottoman empire to be re-constituted? or is an Egyptian and Syrian empire to be founded?" It is impossible-morally, politically, and physically impossiblethat both objects can be accomplished. Which, then, of the two is to be preferred? and, above all, which is most in harmony with the true interests of Great Britain? We confess with sorrow, but with sincerity, that we apprehend a war between Great Britain and Russia can scarcely be avoided. We are no lovers of war; we are convinced, also, of the necessity of a great resisting power in Europe; we are satisfied that the Russian government has rendered essential service to the whole of Christendom by its policy of resistance during the last nine years. There is a natural tendency on the part of mankind to encroach on the prerogatives and rights of their governors. Man is averse to restrain cation, when not restrained by active religious principles, is calculated to excite men to insubordination, pride, vanity, and all that is upstart and ungovernable in the human character. The revolution of 1830 would have made the tour of the world, as the democrats of that period predicted, but for the conservative power, and resisting influence of Russia. We feel this strongly; and therefore we say, that we should deeply regret a war between this country and Russia. But, on the other hand, the treaty of Unkiar Skelessi can never be submitted to by English commerce, or by the British navy; and it must become a dead letter by never being acted on, or it must be shivered into ten thousand atoms by the heavy broadsides which shall proceed from the wooden walls of old England. The state of the Polish question is far from being satisfactory. The act of Congress of 9th June, 1819, which declared, "Les Polonais, sujets respectifs de la Russie, de l'Autriche, et de la Prusse, obtiendront une représentation et des institutions nationales," has been shamefully violated, and Poland is no longer a rampart against the increasing influence of the Russian government. The Reform-bill of 1830 lost, for half a century, the cause of Poland. the case of Turkey will not admit of this postponement. The Bosphorus must be as free as the Atlantic, the Dardanelles must be as British as the Levant. This is a question which can admit of no compromise, and scarcely of the delay of a month. Every indication of feebleness on the part of the Porte renders its settlement more necessary; every advance on the part of Egypt makes its delay more dangerous; but will Russia consent to renounce the immense advantages procured by her, by means of that treaty? This is not probable; and it is therefore we appreliend a war between the British and the Russian empires. The mere nominal protection of Turkey by Russia is, of course, no evil. If the czar were thus easily gratified, there would be no harm in gratifying his taste; but the treaty of Adrianople has taught us that Russia has not abandoned the policy of her Catherine, and that Russia yet hopes to see her southern capital washed by the waters of the Bosphorus. But The first duty of England then, a to require the destruction of the treaty of Unkiar Skelessi. To re-constitute the Ottoman empire appears as impossible as to give life and animation to the dead members of a lifeless body; but the Bosphorus must be uncontrolled, and the brackish waters of the Black Sea, receiving into it the fresh waters of Europe and of Asia Minor, must be as free as that current which sets from it through the Strait of Constantinople into the Mediterranean. Had Lord Durham succeeded in his mission to St. Petersburg, this question might have been set at rest; but there, as in Canada, he sign lly failed. If the Ottoman empire cannot be reconstituted, can it not be suffered to linger in its present dying and inanimate state? This is just possible; but is it to the interest of Great Britain to acquiesce in a state of things which, if perpetuated, must terminate in the triumph of Russian influence in the east of Europe? The sultan can scarcely breathe without the consent of his protector; and M. de Boutenieff rules the divan, in spite of all the remonstrances of Lord Ponsonby and Admiral Roussin. Those who know best the affairs of the East, are satisfied that the advance of the Turkish forces to Byr was organised at the Russian embassy in Constantinople; and all the movements of the Russian forces, both by sea and land, fully justify them in this conclusion. The inertia of the remains of the Turkish empire is a daily and practical evil to British commerce, and a daily and hourly advantage to Russian policy. He was Let us now turn to Egypt. The pacha is a successful rebel; his sovereign was the sultan, but he beards him; he owes an annual tribute to the mother country, but he refuses to pay it; he has gained Syria by stratagem, and refuses to restore it. governor for life, both of Egypt and of Syria, but he now demands that his descendants shall enjoy them for ever. More than this ;-he was, after all, the subject of the Porte; he now proclaims himself its equal, and threatens to proclaims his independence. All this is flagrant rebellion; but what are the interests of Great Britain? Let us see. The growing influence of France in the Mediterranean requires a strong counterpoise, a powerful antagonist. her conquests, and a new quarrel with the Bey of Tunis is just being developed, which will probably terminate in new encroachments on the Barbary powers, and in new conquests. France has fixed her eyes upon Egypt. This is not the first time she has done so. We have not forgotten Napoleon's proud address to his army in the presence of the pyramids, nor the slaughter at Jaffa, nor the visit to Syria. What French were in 1799, they are forty years afterwards. Though "le beau Sabreur" of those times is dead, and dead in exile and desertion, yet the Nile has still its mighty attractions for the heroes of Bona, Mascara, and Constantina. Every year new conquests are made in Africa; two new expeditions have been lately undertaken by the "pacific" Governor Valée; and we shall be surprised some evening by an express from Paris to the Standard announcing an expedition to Tunis, or preparations against Tripoli. It is then the duty and the interest of Great Britain not to allow Egypt either to become the godchild of her guardian, France, or the prey of her love of territory and of conquest. The pacha of Egypt has his merits as well as his defects. Printing has been introduced into Cairo, and there are sixty presses for books in Arabic, besides a daily gazette in the Arabic, Italian, and Turkish languages. The arts and sciences are no longer foreign to Alexandria, and steam navigation is making rapid progress. Mehemet Ali has constructed, in only two months, a canal of forty-eight miles, ninety feet wide by eighteen deep, on which he employed 250,000 men, so that the Lake Moris may now almost be looked upon as an artificial wonder. The cotton-plant, unknown in Egypt in 1814, is now so cultivated, that 150,000 bales per annum of superior cotton are exported. Steam navigation in the Nile, on the Red Sea, and on the Persian Gulf, is protected by the pacha, whose revenue has, in ten years, increased from two to ten millions sterling. Without a navy, he has now fifteen sail of the line; and his armies contain not less than two hundred and fifty thousand men. Silk, flax, sugar, are now produced in abundance; and travellers and merchants may now visit and transact business in those countries J. M. Le Père, made at the commencement of the present century," as to the communication of the Indian sea and the Mediterranean by the Red Sea and the Isthmus of Suez." Jomard, to whom we are much indebted for his admirable Egyptian researches, has preserved this memoir in the celebrated Description de l'Egypte, ou Recueil des Observations et des Recherches qui ont été faites en Egypte pendent l'Expédition de l'Armée Française. Pauckoucke. Paris, 1822. The advantages of navigation by the Red Sea, which will recall the commerce of India into its natural route, is mathematically demonstrated. The canal of the two seas was navigable under the reigns of the Mahometan princes. The amelioration of the port of Suez is an easy, and by no means expensive measure. The Red Sea is not difficult to navigate. This is a mighty question for Great Britain; it should not be lost sight of for a single moment. Russia feels its importance to British commerce, and has sought, and is seeking, to raise difficulties in the way of large and permanent arrangements between Great Britain and Egypt. The possession of the Gulf of Suez by a neutral or by a friendly power is indispensable to England; and neither Russia nor East which France has adjourned, but never abandoned. But what is to become of Syria? Mehemet Ali is in possession. The Porte has assembled its forces at Byr to dispute its longer retention. How should Great Britain act in this thorny and very difficult question? The formation of a separate and independent empire, similar to the government of Greece, would evidently be most to her interest, and would assure, for the longest period of time, peace and prosperity to the Syrian Christians. But Turkey would be as vehement against this arrangement, as would the rebel Mehemet, and the pacha of Bagdad would view with horror even the proposal for such a settlement. Russia would oppose it, because such a decision would take out of the way an element of war, and France would tremble for her Eastern projects if Syria should become free. These reasons may render the measure impracticable, but they tend to demonstrate its propriety. What then is to be done with the Syrian question? Some propose the division of Syria. Mehemet Ali and Ibrahim Pacha would spend their last meddin, and lose their last soldier, rather than consent to a division. But what say the Syrians? Whose government do they prefer? They hate both; but the oppression of Egypt has been more insupportable to them than even the dominion of the Mussulman. Then let the Syrians decide who shall be their masters; and, on condition that neither Russia nor France shall interfere, let this conflict as to Syria be purely Oriental. France must exercise any dominion over that isthmus, which joins the vast continents of Asia and Africa. The commerce with Egypt cannot be neglected by Great Britain; and the pacha by no means ill-disposed towards British products or British merchants. In return, however, he requires something more than a treaty of commerce; he demands the guarantee of England that the throne of Egypt shall descend to his offspring and to their children. On such conditions the route to India is free. What is the duty of Great Britain? We do not hesitate to affirm to guarantee that descent, but on conditions which shall be just to the Porte, and advantageous to our Indian possessions. Those conditions may be obtained, and we suspect no one knows this better than the Whig commercial missionary, Dr. Bowring. France is nibbling at the bait; France is advancing to the pacha. Why? defeat English negotiations, put Great Britain and Egypt off their guard, and prepare the way for the accomplishment of those schemes of conquest in the Το The question of the East is beset with difficulties, and we have not attempted to conceal them; but, in proportion to their number and their magnitude, is the necessity for their being met and conquered. Yet by whom? By Russia? No; her policy is one of subjugation. By France! No; her policy is one of conquest. By Austria? No; her policy is one of temporisation. By the Whigs? No; their policy is comprised in the fearful inertia of the statu quo, the refuge of weak, and the excuse of bad governments. The only men who can settle this question are British Conservatives; and for this, as for ten thousand other reasons, we exclaim, DOWN WITH THE MELBOURNE MINISTRY! CHAP. V. CATHERINE: A STORY. BY IKEY SOLOMONS, ESQ. JUNIOR. Contains Mr. Brock's autobiography, and other matter. "You don't sure believe these men?" said Mrs. Hayes, as soon as the first alarm, caused by the irruption of Mr. Brock and his companions, had subsided. "These are no magistrate's men; it is but a trick to rob you of your money, John." "I will never give up a farthing of it!" screamed Hayes. "Yonder fellow," continued Mrs. Catherine, "I know, for all his drawn sword and fierce looks; his name S" "Wood, madam, at your service!" said Mr. Brock, "I am follower to Mr. Justice Gobble, of this town; a'n't I, Tim?" said Mr. Brock to the tall halberd-man who was keeping the door. "Yes, indeed," said Tim, archly; "we're all followers of his honour, Justice Gobble." "Certainly!" said the one-eyed man. "Of course!" cried the man in the nightcap. "I suppose, madam, you're satisfied now?" continued Mr. Brock-a-Wood. "You can't deny the testimony of gentlemen like these; and our commission is to apprehend all able-bodied male persons who can give no good account of themselves, and enrol them in the service of her majesty. Look at this Mr. Hayes" (who stood trembling in his shoes); can there be a bolder, properer, straighter gentleman? We'll have him for a grenadier before the day's over!" 66 "Take heart, John, don't be frightened. Psha, I tell you I know the "he is man," cried out Mrs. Hayes; only here to extort money.", "Oh, for that matter, I do think I recollect the lady. Let me see where was it. At Birmingham, I think,—ay, at Birmingham,-about the time when they tried to murder Count Gal—” "Oh, sir!" here cried Madam Hayes, dropping her voice at once from a tone of scorn to one of gentlest en»»_ ྂ ་་་ ་ས ་ I saw you before. For what do you seize him? How much will you take to release him, and let us go? Name the sum; he is rich, and "Rich, Catherine!" cried Hayes ; "rich!-O heavens! Sir, I have nothing but my hands to support me; I'm a poor carpenter, sir, working under my father!" "He can give twenty guineas to be free; I know he can !" said Mrs. Cat. "I have but a guinea to carry me home," sighed out Hayes. "But you have twenty at home, John," said his wife. "Give these brave gentlemen a writing to your mother, and she will pay; and you will let us free then, gentlemen-won't you?" "When the money's paid, yes," said the leader, Mr. Brock. "Oh, in course," echoed the tall man with the halberd. "What's a thrifling detintion, my dear?" continued he, addressing Hayes; "we'll amuse you in your absence, and drink to the health of your pretty wife here." This promise, to do the halberdier justice, he fulfilled. He called upon the landlady to produce the desired liquor; and when Mr. Hayes flung himself at that lady's feet, demanding succour from her, and asking whether there was no law in the land,— "There no law at the Three Rooks except this!" said Mr. Brock in reply, holding up a horse-pistol; to which the hostess, grinning, assented, and silently went her way. After some further solicitations John Hayes drew out the necessary letter to his father, stating that he was pressed, and would not be set free under a sum of twenty guineas; and that it would be of no use to detain the bearer of the letter, inasmuch as the gentlemen who had possession of him vowed that they would murder him should any harm befal their com rade. As a further proof of the authenticity of the letter, a token was added, a ring that Hayes wore, and that his mother had given him. The missives were, after some consultation, entrusted to the care of the tall halberdier, who seemed to rank as in gemmand of the forces that gentleman was called indifferently Ensign, Mr., or even Captain Macshane; his intimates occasionally, in sport, called him Nosey, from the prominence of that feature in his countenance; or Spindleshins, for the very reason which brought on the first Edward a similar nickname. Mr. Macshane then quitted Worcester, mounted on Hayes's horse, leaving all parties at the Three Rooks not a little anxious for his return. This was not to be expected until the next morning, and a weary nuit de noces did Mr. Hayes pass. Dinner was served, and, according to promise, Mr. Brock and his two friends enjoyed the meal along with the bride and bridegroom. Punch followed, and this was taken in company; then came supper; Mr. Brock alone partook of this, the other two gentlemen preferring the society of their pipes and the landlady in the kitchen. "It is a sorry entertainment, I confess," said the ex-corporal, "and a dismal way for a gentleman to spend his bridal night; but somebody must stay with you, my dears, for who knows but you might take a fancy to scream out of window, and then there would be murder, and the deuce and all to pay. One of us must stay, and my friends love a pipe, so you must put up with my company until he can relieve guard." The reader will not, of course, expect that three people who were to pass the night, however unwillingly, together in an inn-room, should sit there dumb and moody, and without any personal communication; on the contrary, Mr. Brock, as an old soldier, entertained his prisoners with the utmost courtesy, and did all that lay in his power, by the help of liquor and conversation, to render their durance tolerable. On the bridegroom his attentions were a good deal thrown away; Mr.Hayes consented to drink copiously, but could not be made to talk much; and, in fact, the fright of the seizure, the fate hanging over him should his parents refuse a ransom, and the tremendous outlay of money which would take place should they accede to it, weighed altogether on his mind so much as utterly to unman it. As for Mrs. Cat, I don't think she was at all sorry in her heart to see the dd corporal, for he had been a friend fold times-dear times to her; she had had from him, too, and felt for him not a little kindness, and there was really a very tender, innocent friendship subsisting between this pair of rascals, who relished much a night's conversation together. The corporal, after treating his prisoners to punch in great quantities, proposed the amusement of cards, over which Mr. Hayes had not been occupied more than an hour, when he found himself so excessively sleepy as to be persuaded to fling himself down on the bed, dressed as he was, and there to snore away until morning. Mrs. Catherine had no inclination for sleep; and the corporal, equally wakeful, plied incessantly the bottle, and held with her a great deal of conversation. The sleep, which was equivalent to the absence of John Hayes, took all restraint from their talk. She explained to Brock the circumstances of her marriage, which we have already described; they wondered at the chance which had brought them together at the Three Rooks; nor did Brock at all hesitate to tell her at once that his calling was quite illegal, and that his intention was simply to extort money. The worthy corporal had not the slightest shame regarding his own profession, and cut many jokes with Mrs. Cat about her late one, her attempt to murder the count, and her future prospects as a wife. And here, having brought him upon the scene again, we may as well shortly narrate some of the principal circumstances which befel him after his sudden departure from Birmingham, and which he narrated with much candour to Mrs. Catherine. He rode the captain's horse to Oxford (having exchanged his military dress for civil costume on the road), and at Oxford he disposed of William of Nassau, a great bargain, to one of the heads of colleges. As soon as Mr. Brock, who took on himself the style and title of Captain Wood, had sufficiently examined the curiosities of the university, he proceeded at once to the capital, the only place for a gentleman of his fortune and figure. Here he read, with a great deal of philosophical indifference, in the Daily Post, the Courant, the Observator, the Gazette, and the chief journals of those days, which he made a point of examining at Button's and Wills's, accurate description of his person an |