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Universe the same doctrines of peace, justice and benevolence, which the father of our republic so solemnly put forth in his Farewell Address. It is worthy of remark that both declarations assert that nations, as well as individuals, are bound to observe the precepts of the Gospel as a duty to God and the only means of national felicity. The people of the United States, and all their Presidents have sanctioned the noble principles of Washington, and the Christian sovereigns of Europe, by uniting in a kingly league, on the basis of the Holy Alliance of the Emperors of Russia and Austria and the king of Prussia, have given their adhesion to the holy and heavenly doctrines of that celebrated royal compact. Europe and America thus stand committed to the principles of peace, equity and mercy as enjoined by the Gospel. Upon the precepts of our holy religion, identical, as we have shown, with natural law, reposes our moral law of nations. We copy the celebrated documents, one partially and the other fully, in order that it may appear that we have the highest human authority in favor of our code of international law. The authority on which we rely is the law of God interwoven in the nature of man, recorded on the pages of history and in Divine revelation. We cite these great and excellent documents, as solemn American and European national admissions

in the face of the world, of the truth of our exposition of international rights and duties.

Extracts from President Washington's Farewell Address to the People of the United States in 1796:

"Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity.”

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"It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ?"

"Promote, then, as an object of primary im portance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it should be enlightened."

"As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering, also, that timely disbursements, to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions, in time of peace, to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear."

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"Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all; religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt but, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it; can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The ex

periment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature.

rendered impossible by its vices ?"

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"In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations and passionate attachment for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated."

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"The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible."

"So far as we have already formed engage. ments, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here, let us stop."

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"It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in

my opinion it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them.

"Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, in a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

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Harmony and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favour or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing.

"The duty of a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to main. tain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations."

HOLY ALLIANCE.

Sainte alliance entre L. L. M. M. l' Empereur de toutes les Russies, l' Empereur d' Autriche, et le Roi de Prusse signé à Paris, le Septembre, 1815.

Au nom de la très-Sainte et indivisible Trinité. L. M. l'Empereur d' Autriche, le Roi de Prusse, et l'Empereur de Russie, par suite des

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