Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

THE CONGRESS OF 1776.

WILLIAM WIRT.

WHAT was the state of things under which the Congress of 1776 assembled, when Adams and Jefferson again met? It was, as you know, in this Congress, that the question of American Independence came, for the first time, to be discussed; and never, certainly, has a more momentous question been discussed, in any age or in any country, for it was fraught, not only with the destinies of this wide-extended continent, but, as the event has shown, and is still showing, with the destinies of man all over the world.

66

How fearful that question then was, no one can tell but those who, forgetting all that has since past, can transport themselves back to the time, and plant their feet on the ground which those patriots then occupied. "Shadows, clouds, and darkness" then covered all the future, and the present was full only of danger and terror. A more unequal contest never was proposed. It was, indeed, as it was then said to be, the shepherd boy of Israel going forth to battle against the giant of Gath; and there were yet among us, enough to tremble when they heard that giant say, Come to me, and I will give thy flesh to the fowls of the air and the beasts of the field." But there were those who never trembled-who knew that there was a God in Israel, and who were willing to commit their cause "to his even-handed justice," and his almighty power. That their great trust was in IIim, is manifest from the remarks that were continually breaking from the lips of the patriots. Thus, the patriot Hawley, when pressed upon the inequality of the contest, could only answer, "We must put to sea-— Providence will bring us into port;" and Patrick Henry, when urged upon the same topic, exclaimed, "True, true; but there is a God above, who rules and overrules the destinies of nations."

From "Eulogy on Jefferson and Adams," 1826.

ADDRESS TO A JURY.

DAVID PAUL BROWN.

THE prisoner is in your hands, I ask no mercy for him. I had almost said I disdain it:-but be merciful to yourselves. By his conviction, it is true you abridge his sufferings, but may you not promote and aggravate your own. Can you reflect upon such a verdict, without being hereafter haunted by the "compunctious visitings of conscience." If you think you can, why strike at once his unit out of the sum of life. And when, after your labors are terminated, you return again to your firesides to enjoy the charms of your domestic circle-the blessings of your household gods, then tell your anxious wives and children, who

assemble around you, while you relate the lamentable history of this trial-tell them of "one who loved not wisely-but too well;" tell them of the pollution of female innocence-the betrayal of confiding friendship-tell them of the prisoner's blighted hopes-his wounded honor his ruined fortunes and his shattered reason-tell them how he trusted, and how he was deceived; and when your hearers, with tearful eyes and trembling lips, earnestly inquire what relief you afforded for all these monstrous and most unheard of wrongs-tell them—if you dare, that, to requite him for all these sufferings, for these shames, You! YOU!!--CONSIGNED HIM TO A FELON'S IGNOMINIOUS GRAVE.

From "A Forensic Argument," Philadelphia, 1859.

THE BANNER OF UNION.

FRANKLIN PIERCE.

If we are true to ourselves; if we revere the memory, or appreciate the services of our fathers, we shall forget, in the exigency of this crisis, that there is, or ever has been, such thing as party, in the ordinary acceptation of the term. At all events, we will forget it, until, through our steady, united efforts, we see the authority of the Constitution vindicated, and the Union reposing again securely upon its old foundations.

You are right in assuming that this is no time for hesitancy; no time for doubting, halting, half-way professions, or, indeed, for mere professions of any kind. It is a time for resolute purpose, to be followed by decisive, consistent action.

Shall the fundamental law of the land be obeyed, not with evasive reluctance, but in good fidelity? Have we the power to enforce obedience to it, and will we exercise that power? If so, then may we continue to enjoy the multiplied and multiplying blessings of the peerless inheritance which has been transmitted to us. If otherwise, fanaticism has not mistaken the significance of its emblem,-the national flag with "the union down." That flag has waved through three foreign wars, with the union up, cheering the hearts of brave men, on sea and land, wherever its folds have unrolled in the smoke of battle! How many of our countrymen, as they have seen it floating from the mast-head in a foreign port, or giving its ample sweep to the breeze over a consularoffice, have proudly and exultingly exclaimed: "I am an American citizen, and there is the ensign which commands for me respect and security, wherever throughout the wide world I may roam, or wherever I may choose temporarily to dwell!" How one would shut his eyes, and cover his face in shame and sorrow, if he believed he were destined to see the day when that flag will float no more! And yet if agitators

and conspirators can have their way, it must go down in darkness and blood. In a republic like ours, law alone upholds it; and when that loses its power, all human power to save is lost. If such overwhelming disaster to humanity is to overtake us, I, for one, will not try te peer through the darkness and blackness, or to foreknow the end.

From "Letter read at Faneuil Hall Meeting," 1859.

AMERICAN POLICY.

DE WITT CLINTON.

If I were called upon to prescribe a course of policy most important for this country to pursue, it would be to avoid European connections and wars. The time must arrive when we will have to contend with some of the great powers of Europe, but let that period be put off as long as possible. It is our interest and our duty to cultivate peace, with sincerity and good faith. As a young nation, pursuing industry in every channel, and adventuring commerce in every sea, it is highly important that we should not only have a pacific character, but that we should really deserve it. If we manifest an unwarrantable ambition, and a rage for conquest, we unite all the great powers of Europe against us. The security of all the European possessions in our vicinity, will eternally depend, not upon their strength, but upon our moderation and justice. Look at the Canadas; at the Spanish territories to the south; at the British, Spanish, French, Danish, and Dutch West India Islands, at the vast countries to the west, as far as where the Pacific rolls its waves. Consider well the eventful consequences that would result, if we were possessed by a spirit of conquest. Consider well the impression which a manifestation of that spirit will make upon those who would be affected by it. If we are to rush at once into the territory of a neighboring nation, with fire and sword, for the misconduct of a subordinate officer, will not our national character be greatly injured? Will we not be classed with the robbers and destroyers of mankind? Will not the nations of Europe perceive in this conduct the germ of a lofty spirit, and an enterprising ambition, which will level them to the earth, when age has matured our strength, and expanded our powers of annoyance, unless they combine to cripple us in our infancy? May not the consequences be, that we must look out for a naval force to protect our commerce, that a close alliance will result, that we will be thrown at once into the ocean of European politics, where every wave that rolls, and every wind that blows, will agitate our bark? Is this a desirable state of things? Will the people of this country be seduced into it by all the colorings of rhetoric, and all the arts of sophistry-by vehement appeals to their pride, and artful addresses to their cupidity? No, sir. Three-fourths of the American people, I assert it boldly and

without fear of contradiction, are opposed to this measure. And would you take up arms with a mill-stone hanging round your neck? How would you bear up, not only against the force of the enemy, but against the irresistible current of public opinion? The thing, sir, is impossible; the measure is worse than madness; it is wicked, beyond the powers of description.

From "Speech on the Navigation of the Mississippi," 1803.

THE VALUE OF A NAVY.

JAMES A. BAYARD.

God has decided that the people of this country should be a commercial people. You read that decree in the sea-coast of seventeen hundred miles which he has given you; in the numerous navigable waters which penetrate the interior of the country; in the various ports and harbors scattered along your shores; in your fisheries; in the redundant productions of your soil; and more than all, in the enterprising and adventurous spirit of your people. It is no more a question whether the people of this country shall be allowed to plough the ocean, than it is whether they shall be permitted to plough the land. It is not in the power of this government, nor would it be if it were as strong as the most despotic upon the earth, to subdue the commercial spirit, or to destroy the commercial habits of the country.

Young as we are, our tonnage and commerce surpass those of every nation upon the globe but one, and if not wasted by the deprivations to which they were exposed by their defenceless situation, and the more ruinous restrictions to which this government subjected them, it would require not many more years to have made them the greatest in the world. Is this immense wealth always to be exposed as a prey to the rapacity of freebooters? Why will you protect your citizens and their property upon land, and leave them defenceless upon the ocean? As your mercantile property increases, the prize becomes more tempting to the cupidity of foreign nations. In the course of things, the ruins and aggressions which you have experienced will multiply, nor will they be restrained while we have no appearance of a naval force.

You must and will have a navy; but it is not to be created in a day, nor is it to be expected, that in its infancy, it will be able to cope foot to foot with the full-grown vigor of the navy of England. But we are even now capable of maintaining a naval force formidable enough to threaten the British commerce, and to render this nation an object of more respect and consideration.

From "Speech in the United States Senate," 1810.

WAR IN SELF-DEFENCE.

JOHN RANDOLPH,

FOR my part, I never will go to war but in self-defence. I have no desire for conquests-no ambition to possess Nova Scotia-I hold the liberties of this people at a higher rate. Much more am I indisposed to war, when among the first means for carrying it on, I see gentlemen propose the confiscation of debts due by government to individuals. Does a bona fide creditor know who holds his paper? Dare any honest man ask himself the question? 'Tis hard to say whether such principles are more detestably dishonest, than they are weak and foolish. What, sir; will you go about with proposals for opening a loan in one hand, and a sponge for the national debt in the other? If, on a late occasion, you could not borrow at a less rate of interest than eight per cent., when the government avowed that they would pay to the last shilling of the public ability, at what price do you expect to raise money with an avowal of these nefarious opinions?-God help you! if these are your ways and means for carrying on war-if your finances are in the hands of such a chancellor of the exchequer. Because a man can take an observation, and keep a log-book and a reckoning; can navigate a cock-boat to the West Indies, or the East; shall he aspire to navigate the great vessel of state-to stand at the helm of public councils? 'Ne sutor ultra crepidam." What are you going to war for? For the carrying trade. Already you possess seven-eighths of it. What is the object in dispute? The fair, honest trade, that exchanges the produce of our soil for foreign articles for home consumption? Not at all.

[ocr errors]

From "Speech in the House of Representatives,” 1806.

THE EXCISE SYSTEM.

THESE taxes, however, it seems, are voluntary,

[ocr errors][merged small][merged small]

upon consumption." By a recent speech on this subject, the greater part of which I was so fortunate as to hear, I learn that there have been only two hundred capital prosecutions in England, within a given time, for violations of the revenue laws. Are we ready, if one of us, too poor to own a saddle-horse, should borrow a saddle, and clap it on his plough-horse, to ride to church or court, or mill, or market, to be taxed for a surplus saddle-horse, and surcharged for having failed to list him as such? Are gentlemen aware of the inquisitorial, dispensing, arbitrary, and almost papal power of the commissioners of excise? I shall not stop to go into a detail of them; but I never did expect to hear it said, on this floor, and by a gentleman from Kentucky too, that

« AnteriorContinuar »