taken into consideration the period which had elapsed since the adoption of those arrangements which were deemed by the wisdom of Parliament to be necessary for the discharge of the incumbrances of the Prince of Wales, &c. &c. recommends the present situation of the Prince to the attention of the House."-And again, that "Notwithstanding the reluctance and regret which his Majesty must feel in suggesting any addition to the burdens of his people, he is induced to resort, in this instance, to the experienced liberality and attachment of his faithful Commons, in the persuasion that they will be disposed to take such measures as may be calculated to promote the comfort and support the dignity of his R. H. the Prince of Wales." Now, in conformity to this Royal recommendation, Parliament had agreed to grant his R. H. the sum of about 70,000l. to relieve him from his difficulties, and to promote his comfort; but nothing appeared either in the message, or the proceedings of Parliament upon it, which made it a necessary consequence that the Prince should immediately resume his household. The Noble Lord then went into a defence of the measure proposed by his Rt. Hon. Friend (Mr. Pitt), and adopted by Parliament in 1795, and contended that the present measure was grounded on the same principle. It was true, indeed, that his Rt. Hon. Friend (Mr. Addington) was now desirous that his R. H. should be restored to the situation in which he stood previous to the arrangement in 1795; but with all the respect which was due to the feelings of his R. H. (feelings for which the House must entertain but one sense), yet was the House prepared to take cognizance of debts, with the nature of which the House could not be supposed to be acquainted? or rather, on the contrary, would not their wisdom dictate to them that they should not open any new account of any debts whatever? and in that opinion they surely would not press upon his R. H. the necessity of resuming his household, until these debts, which he felt to weigh upon his honour and justice, were fully discharged. This was the spirit and tendency of the measure now proposed by his Rt. Hon. Friend (Mr. Addington) for the alleviation of the incumbrances under which his R. H. laboured; and he trusted the prudence of the House would direct them to adhere to the settlement of 1795, and not to open any new account for debts, of the nature of which they could not judge as Members of Parliament, and which should be left entirely to the honour and prudence of his R. H. whatever way he looked at it, he saw much subject for regret; and he was firmly convinced that another system should be adopted consistent with the dignity of his R. H.'s character, and the justice due to his claims. When it was contended in favour of the mea. sure, that both his Majesty's Ministers and the Prince's servants were perfectly of the same opinion, he begged leave to say, that their agreement was not a satisfactory ground to induce the House to vote with them. He thought it his duty to oppose the previous question, and felt no difficulty in declaring that a further inquiry into a subject of so much importance was absolutely necessary. Mr. W. SMITH said, that he thought not only a great ambiguity, but a great contradiction (if he might be allowed to use the expression), existed in what had been said. It was his wish that an inquiry might be gone into. When Gentlemen talked of the Prince living in a proper style, they meant, of course, that he should live as became the Heir Apparent to the Crown. A Rt. Hon. Gent. not now in his place, had, on a former occasion, moved that the income of his R. H. should be 125,000l. a year. He had also, at the same time, moved, that 60,000l. a year should be applied to another purpose. For his own part, he thought that the true dignity and true comfort of his R. H. were inseparable. The Hon. Gent. concluded by stating, that it was better to examine the question as it really stood. He was against the previous question. Lord CASTLEREAGH said, that there were two grounds of objection to the inquiry: first, that it would be indelicate, because no distinct grounds had been stated from the Prince. The second was, that it was receding from the principle laid down by Parliament. His Lordship concluded by paying some very warm compliments to his R. H. The question was very loudly called for. The House now divided.-For the previous question 184-Against it 139.-Majority 45. List of the Minority. Forrester, Cecil Palk, W. Potter, P. Paget, Hon. E. Somerville, Sir M. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Monday, Mar. 7.-(See Minutes, p. 403.) [IRISH REVENUE.]-Mr. CORRY moved the second reading of the Irish custom-duty bill. Colonel BAGWELL said, he was in general satisfied with the explanations which he had received from the Rt. Hon. Gent. upon the subject of these duties; but still there were certain points upon which he required some further information, particularly with respect to the schedule of duties: he wished to know whether they were the same as they were the last year? Mr. CORRY said, he was always happy to give any Hon. Member the fullest information in his power. Upon a former occasion, he had stated to the House the differences which subsisted between the duties contained in the present schedule, and in that of last year. One of the alterations which it contained arose from a wish, on the part of Government, to afford every possible facility and accommodation to the merchants. He stated, that some of the late duties were what were termed ad valorem duties, the others were rated duties; the consequence of which was, that merchants were obliged to make two entries of the articles they imported—that is to say, an entry according to the rate for the old duties, and according to the value for the new ones. Now, it was proposed in the present bill to convert the ad valorem duty into a rated duty for the convenience of merchants, who would now only have to make one entry. With respect to the duties upon drugs, they were in some instances raised, and in others reduced; and in cases where there were fractions of a penny, they were generally raised to the integral sum. With regard to the duties on licenses, they were, as he had before stated, in some instances raised. These were the principal alterations which were contained in the schedule; but he could not sit down without expressing his thanks to the officers employed in this business, for the exertions they had made on this occasion. Colonel BAGWELL thanked the Rt. Hon. Gent. for the explanation he had given, but said it was not altogether satisfactory: he wished to know what were the additional duties that were laid on. He understood that there was a great increase in the duty upon the distilleries. Mr. CORRY said, that the duty upon the licenses for rectifying spirits was in some instances raised from 27. 10s. to 51. Colonel BAGWELL said, he was then justified in asking for further time to consider this subject, because it appeared that some of the duties were doubled. The distilleries of Ireland were carried on to a very great extent, and were in very great perfection, particularly about the city of Cork, where they made brandy, rum, and even liqueurs, so as scarcely to be distinguished from those which were imported. The distilleries of Ireland were therefore a very material object. But there was another subject upon which he wished to say a few words, and that was with regard to the tax on windows. The Rt. Hon. Gent, had stated, that the regulations for the collection of that duty were merely to subsist during the war, and that they were of course no longer in force. He had looked diligently over the different acts of Parliament enacting this duty, and he found that they had been regularly continued in all the acts, and therefore he conceived that they were now in force. Mr. CORRY, in reply, stated, that the regulation to which he alluded certainly was not now in force. When the duty was first laid on, it was thought necessary to propose this clause for the collecting of the tax, because it was the avowed purpose of the discontented people in Ireland to adopt every means in their power to injure the revenue; but the clause containing these regulations stated, that it should continue in force for three years, provided the war should continue so long. The Hon. Gent. might therefore make himself perfectly easy upon this subject; but at all events, this bill had no reference to the mode of collecting the dutics; that would be the subject of other bills, and when they were introduced, the fullest time would be given for examination. [ESTABLISHMENT OF THE PRINCE OF WALES.]-The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved the third reading of the Prince of Wales's annuity bill. would, in his opinion, have been more candid, if, when the Minister brought down the message, he had stated what the message of the Prince of Wales had communicated to the House, viz. that the measure now proposed would not enable his R. H. to resume his dignity: he protested, therefore, against the bill, as not being a sufficient answer to his Majesty's message. When he said the Prince was not satisfied with this measure, he did not allude to the personal feelings of his R. H. He meant that the friends of the Prince, that the public, were not satisfied with it. After the example of economy which the public had observed on the part of the Prince, he was sure they would feel gratified in seeing him restored to his proper dignity and splendour. He conceived that the public feeling was not satisfied, and that they called for something more than was proposed in the present bill. Upon these grounds he contended that the present bill was not sufficient, and therefore he laid in his claims not to be considered, when he voted for this bill, as precluding himself from voting for any further measure that might be brought forward. Sir WILLIAM DOLBEN begged leave, before the bill passed, to submit to the House a motion which he intended to have made on Friday last, if the House had not adjourned so suddenly. He wished to suggest for the consideration of the House, whether, when they were making this provision for the Prince of Wales (of which he highly approved), they ought not to come to a resolution, which, in his opinion, would tend most essentially to support the dignity and comfort of his R. H. He was sure the Prince of Wales would never enjoy the outward splendour which it was proposed to restore him to, with that real and true comfort which he ought to do, unless his Royal consort had some share in that mark of attachment which the House was now about to shew to his R. H. He conceived there could be nothing improper in this proposition, because his R. II. had expressed himself ready to submit himself to the wisdom of Parliament, and had, with that noble ingenuousness which always marked his conduct, declared that he could not at present resume his dignity. The object of the motion which Sir William said he should submit to the House would be, to appropriate a small part of the annuity of 60,ocol. a year, which it was proposed by this bill to grant to his R. H for the better establishment of her R. H. the Princess of Wales. His R. H. had supported his retirement from the proper dignity of his situation, in a manner that entitled him to general admiration; and he was sure that Royal personage would think that one of the first calls upon his honour would be, to take care that the Princess should have some share in the bounty of that House. She had also supported her retireItment with the greatest dignity, and therefore Mr. KINNAIRD said, he wished, before the bill passed, to make a few observations; not that he wished to oppose the bill, for such were the sentiments he felt for the Royal personage to whom it related, that he wished it to pass with the greatest dispatch. He entertained an opinion upon this subject, he be lieved, in common with many Gentlemen in that House, and with many persons in the country, that the Minister, in bringing down the message, and in bringing in this bill, had inade a very advantageous bargain for the country. But though that House ought certainly to take care of the interests of the people, they were also the protectors of the rights and interests of the Prince of Wales. He rose now for the purpose of stating, that although he voted for this bill, it was with a protest that he considered it as not doing above one half of what they were pleaged to do by the answer which they had returned to his Majesty's message. He therefore protested against this bill being considered as a definitive arrangement upon the subject, because it did not satisfy the intentions of his Majesty, or of the Prince. He wished to explain what he meant by using that expression. The object of the message was, that such measures should be adopted as would promote the comfort and support the dignity of the Prince of Wales. Now this bill, though it would tend to promote the comfort, certainly would not support the dignity of the Prince of Wales. was fully entitled to that mark of respect and attachment which he now proposed to shew. In doing so, he was sure they would do that which would be agreeable to his Majesty; they would prove themselves the true friends of his Royal house, and also give the strongest mark of respect and attachment to the Prince of Wales. He should therefore propose a clause for appropriating a small part of the annuity of 60,0000l. a year for the better establishment of the Princess of Wales. The sum he should propose to appropriate for that purpose, would be 6000l. a year: he was sure the adoption of that motion would be agreeable to the whole nation. He concluded with moving a clause to that effect, by way of rider. Colonel STANLEY said, he rose with the greatest pleasure to second this motion. Her RH. had conducted herself, ever since her arrival in this country, in the most exemplary and meritorious manner. He hoped most sincerely that the House would adopt the motion, and that they might have an opportunity of paying their tribute of admiration for her conduct. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, he hoped his two Hon. Friends would not persist in this motion, which he was convinced was made with the best motives. With respect to the virtues and conduct of her R. H. the Princess of Wales, there was, he was sure, but one sentiment in that House and in the country. But it was their duty to recollect what was due to the Royal person to whom this bill alluded, and whilst they were giving him a proof of respect and confidence, he hoped they would not imply, by adopting the motion now proposed, the possibility of their entertaining a suspicion of his conduct: for the adoption of this proposition would certainly imply a doubt of that which the House ought not to doubt. If, therefore, the Hon. Baronet would not consent to withdraw his motion, he should feel himself bound to oppose it. Sir WILLIAM DOLBEN said, if he thought the clause he had proposed tended to imply the least doubt of his R. H.'s conduct, he certainly would be the last man in the House to propose it. He had made the motion upon the ground, that his R. H. had thrown himself entirely upon the wisdom of Parliament; and he thought his R. H. had rather that this measure should proceed from a resolution of that House, than that it should be his own act. It was upon that ground, and because he conceived it to be a debt of honour due from that House to the Princess, that he made the motion. Mr. MARTIN (of Tewkesbury) said, he highly approved the motion, and he was glad that there were Gentlemen who had spirit enough to bring it forward. Mr. SHERIDAN said, he was surprised at the expression used by the Hon. Member, as he could not conceive that any spirit was necessary to bring forward this motion; he was also surprised that there had been introduced into this debate any thing like warmth of language or vehemence of gesture [Mr. Kinnaird had, while he was speaking, accidentally struck the Member who sat below him, on the head]. The House, he was sure, must feel the propriety of what had fallen from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and he trusted that the worthy Baronet would withdraw his motion. An Hon. Member had stated, that the Prince was not satisfied with this measure, but he afterwards explained distinctly what he meant by that expression. The Prince was certainly grateful to the House for this mark of their bounty, and would be grateful for a further mark of it. With regard to the suggestion contained in this motion, he hoped there was no person in that House who supposed that the Prince would resume his dignity without the Princess; and he could assure the Hon. Member that a suggestion of that kind to the Prince was not necessary either from him or from the House; but as the Prince must now continue to apply the same sum of money to the discharge of his debts that he had done for some years, no increase could take place for some time. This, however, furnished another reason why Parliament ought to enable the Prince and Princess of Wales to resume their dignity. Sir W. DOLBEN then consented to withdraw his motion, and the bill was read a third time and passed, and sent to the Lords for their concurrence. HOUSE OF LORDS. Wednesday, Mar. 9.—(See Minutes, p. 403.) [THE KING'S MESSAGE.]-The order of the day for taking his Majesty's message into consideration being read, Lord HOBART rose to move an address to his Majesty on the occasion. He observed, that he could not entertain the smallest doubt with respect to the motion which he should have the honour to submit to the House. He felt himself justified in anticipating the most perfect unanimity in the present instance. A communication is made from the Sovereign, that the most extensive military preparations were making on the coasts of France and Holland; and also, that important discussions were pending between his Majesty and the French government, the result of which was very uncertain. In such a situation, he could hardly believe himself justified in supposing that a difference of opinion could prevail as to dent there was not a man in that House, or the line of conduct proper or necessary to be scarcely an individual in the country, who adopted. In a partial consideration of the would not join in offering to spill the last drop subject, he by no means wished to disguise of their blood, or to spend their last shilling, in from their Lordships-indeed it was a point support of its honour and its most essential of which they must in general be well aware, interests: for his own part, after the uniform namely, that there existed reasons for thinking and decided opinions he had so frequently that the state of certain of the French posses- given, as to the relative situation of the two sions abroad was such as might warrant or countries, it could be little expected that a call for the preparations that were making by firm and vigorous system of conduct should not France, independent of any hostile designs meet his full assent and approbation. He could which possibly might be harboured by her go- not, however, at the same time avoid observvernment; but they must also at the same time ing, that he should feel more satisfaction if see and feel for the situation of their own the Noble Secretary of State had, not only for country; and that, while discussions of the the satisfaction of the House, but for that of utmost importance are depending, they could the public and the country, explained a little not be justified in not taking those precautions fuller the situation of the moment, and adwhich the security and honour of the country verted to those circumstances which have prorequired. With respect to any detailed expo- duced such a sudden and marked alteration in sition of those discussions, he could hardly the tenour and complexion of his Majesty's think that at the present time any thing of the councils and measures. He would repeat, that kind could, with any shadow of propriety, be his own opinions on these points had been expected from him. He conceived it sufficient long formed. He was perfectly satisfied that to say, in the present instance, that he saw no a system of conduct like that now resolved necessity for the discussions not terminating upon by Ministers, was that most likely to satisfactorily; at the same time, it must be conduce to the preservation of peace, a wish perfectly obvious to the House, that it was in which all true friends to their country must the duty of Ministers to be prepared for the unite. A system of firmness and vigour was alternative. It was certainly the earnest wish much more likely to ensure the continuance of of Ministers not to see the tranquillity which peace, than that line of conduct heretofore subsisted between the two countries inter- adopted by Ministers. Indeed, in his opinion, rupted; but they at the same time hoped that the only chance that now remained for the nothing would be wanting on the part of the preservation of that blessing, was the effect of country to enable them to maintain that tran- the measures now proposed: of concession, and quillity in a way consistent with the honour, attempts at soothing our late adversary, we had the security, and the true interests of the Bri- had too much. Had this line of conduct been tish nation, the spirit, the energy, and the re-adopted earlier, in all human probability no sources of which, he doubted not, would be successfully exerted on such an occasion as the present. Under these impressions, he would no longer detain their Lordships, but move an address to his Majesty on the occasion of his most gracious message. The Noble Secretary of State then moved the address, which was couched in the usual form, echoing his Majesty's message, and fraught with assurances of the cordial support of the House. On the message being read from the Woolsack, and the question put, Earl SPENCER rose, chiefly, if not entirely, for the purpose of signifying his full approbation of the proposition just now made by the Noble Secretary of State. He anticipated with the Noble Lord the most perfect unanimity on the occasion, and felt with him cordially as to the right line and system of conduct which was proper to be pursued on such a crisis as the present. He also felt that in the relative situation of Great Britain and France, there existed circumstances, that, under whatever degree of uncertainty, called for the measures at length resolved upon by his Majesty's Ministers. The present crisis in which this country was involved, he held to be of that importance and magnitude, as to render him confi necessity for it would exist at the present moment. However, as matters stood, he hailed this first appearance of spirit and vigour in the national councils with joy and gladness, as the only means left for our salvation. He had at present nothing farther to offer; but upon an occasion of such great importance and magnitude, he could not give a silent vote, consistently with his feelings of duty, or the dictates of his conscience. Lord GRENVILLE said, he had but a few words to offer on the present occasion. He cordially agreed with what fell from his Noble. Friend who spoke last; but, like him, the part he had always taken with respect to similar discussions, prevented him from giving a silent vote. He thought with his Noble Friend, that the adoption of the system now about to be acted upon was the only one that could preserve the blessings of peace to the country; he was likewise of opinion, that a system of firmness and dignity, if earlier acted upon, would have ensured the continuance of peace, and certainly have obviated the necessity of such an incipient system at present. It was, he was firmly convinced, only because such a system was not earlier adopted, that the continuance of peace was now questionable. |