10th article of the treaty.-This he charged as to pursue, and he should touch upon them very lightly. The noble and learned lord had said, that of all the charges that were made, the charge that ministers did not come down to Parliament sooner, was the most foolish that ever was exhibited, and he gave a challenge to any one to shew the contrary now his lordship said, that at the hazard of being called foollish by the noble and learned lord, he should accept this challenge. He had called on any body to point out what was the communication which ministers ought to have made to Parliament; and nothwithstanding the risk he ran of exposing what that noble and learned lord called consummate ignorance, hesions to the enemy, which he was almost afraid would point out, not only one particular thing which ministers ought to have communicated to Parliament, which they did not, but a detail of particular points in which it was the duty of the King's ministers to give information to the two Houses of Parliament, in order to keep up that which it was essential to the interest of this country to keep up; namely, a good understanding between the Crown and the two Houses of Parliament. As to the manner in which the preliminary articles of peace were defended, and what had been said on the terms of them, and also the tone of the government with whom we treated, and especially what had been said on the tone and manner of the government of France after the signature of the definitive treaty, when it was confidently stated there was nothing in the character of the government of France, or in the character of the person at the head of that government, which ought to lead us to suppose that the peace then concluded would not be as permanent as any this country had agreed to within the last century; this his lordship said, he should not now insist upon, although it proved a lamentable want of foresight, and might have misled the public if there had been nothing else to do so; but instead of insisting upon this assertion, he would take the matter up after the definitive treaty. The House had heard of the abolition of the Spanish langues, which was a material part of the 10th article of the treaty of Amiens; there was, he believed, no information before the House when that abolition took place, although that was important on the subject of Malta. It appeared by the declaration, that this abolition took place previous to the execution of the defi. nitive treaty of Amiens, and when this was debated in Parliament, he told ministers and the House, that the treaty was impracticable in the 10th article, on account of the abolition of the Spanish langue. He would not risk his character upon that matter, but his firm belief was, that the Spanish langues had been abolished before the ratification of that treaty.-Ministers had better means of information than others, but he had a firm belief that this was so, and that these langues were abolished before the end of March. This subject was debated in the House on the 13th of May, and then the ministers defended the practicability of this VOL. III, to mention. God only knew how many soldiers and sailors were disbanded, and that when we had to deal with an enemy of a singular character; an enemy whom our utmost efforts of force employed for years, had not been able to reduce to moderation, our ministers endavoured to make moderate by submission and concession. Now he said, that ministers knowing these things," ought not to have advised the King to tell the two Houses that we had a treaty with France, and had concluded peace, when at that very moment they knew that that which they called a definitive treaty was an impracticable thing; they were told so, and they defended the treaty: this his lordship charged on ministers as a great misconduct, which had the effect of deluding the public. This was on the 13th or 14th of May. The session lasted six weeks longer, and we proceeded on the experiment of peace, and to make great reductions, as if we had secured peace. The session lasted until the 9th of June. If their lordships wished to know how Parliament acted afterwards, he would refer them to the Journals, by which it appeared that the speaker of the House of Commons, on the last day of the session of Parliament, wherein he thanks his Majesty for having procured to his faithful sub jects the blessings of peace.-Now, undoubtedly, the speaker of the House of Commons was not one of his Majesty's ministers, but he was one of those who were deluded by his Majesty's ministers, and contributed in deluding the public; and what was his Majesty's answer to that speech? He advised his subjects to the culti vation of the advantages of peace, at the very time that ministers knew that the treaty they had agreed to was impracticable.--He contended we ought to have the truth as they knew it to be. His lordship then came to the constitutional part of the case, and maintained that whatever might be said to the contrary by any man, learned or unlearned, it was the practice of our government, uniformly, from the revolution downwards, for the Crown always, upon the meeting of Parliament, to inform the two Houses of the internal state of the country, and all its external relations, for the purpose of calling for their advice on all these points, as advice might be necessary, a practice in which consisted the freedom of the state, and without which ours did not deserve the name of a free state. His * 3 B fordship said he looked carefully over all the existing engagements between this country and Journals from the time of the revolution to the that potentate. After touching upon the affair present, and he would venture to affirm, there of Egypt, he proceeded to animadvert upon the was not a single instance in which, if there was conduct of ministers with respect to different any thing important to be communicated, it was royal communications to Parliament, which, for not communicated from the throne to the two want of sufficient explicitness, were productive Houses of Parliament; and many instances oc- of the most injurious consequences to the comcurred, in which not only the circumstances mercial interests of the country. He then comstated, but the advice of Parliament was spe- mented upon the tenor and drift of some of cifically asked upon them: these things fre- the resolutions, and thought that the adoption quently occurred in the reign of Queen Anne thereof could in no point of view be productive and King William, and there were many in of mischief, nor could it militare against the stances of a similar kind in the illustrious prede- discharge of any of the duties of that House. cessors of his present Majesty, George I. and II. The LORD CHANCELLOR totally disapprovHere his lordship specified several, and ob-ed the motion for an adjournment, because, if served, that not one of them was a case of so carried, it left a stain on the conduct of ministry much importance as the present: he was there which their exertions for the country did fore not afraid of the rebuke of the learned lord by no means merit. If administration were who had taken upon himself to pronounce upon weak, why attempt to diminish their influence this subject in so peremptory a tone; he asked with the coun ry by a censure of their confor no more than that government should follow duct? The motion for adjournment not only the precedents of their ancestors, for " state went to that extent; but would, if carried, by super vias antiquas,' was a good maxim. His bringing the government into disrepute, tend lordship then proceeded to enumerate many to impede their operations for the interests other points which were within the know dge of the state. Instead of pressing motions of this of the ministers, and which it was their duty nature at this particular period, when all the deto have communicated to the two Houses of Par-partments of government ought to be invigo liament, and which manifested the hostile dis- rated, it would be more liberal and patriotic to position of the enemy, and by which the public suggest and support some measures for the dewould have saved from the evils to which they fence of the country against the common enemy, had been exposed by the delusion. In one What would Buonaparté think, if he found that word, there was no one fact complained of in the very same government, whose conduct had his Majesty's declaration against France, that been so highly approved, on the discussion of the was not known to ministers so long ago as No- official papers respecting the late negotiation, vember last, except the publication of Sebaswere some few days after censured by the very tiani's report. His lordship proceeded to ani- same Parliament ? Such an idea was both rimadvert upon various other topics connected diculous and absurd, and he hoped would not with the subject under discussion. and argued receive the approbation of their lordships. It considerably in detail as to the ill consequences would tend to remove all thoughts of peace produced by the measures adopted by ministers. to a very remote period, by encouraging the He instanced, amongst other points, the losses enemy to the full and persevering exercise of his suffered by the Sovereign as elector of Hanover, power. If the First Consul found that any want and the situation to which the house of Orange of unanimity prevailed in Parliament, it would was reduced. If the conduct adopted by mi-stimulate him to the most active exertions histers, with respect to Swisserland, were wise in October, it would be more wise in June, when their land force was twenty thousand men stronger, and they had a powerful navy to act with; but their interference on that head was too late, and before our messenger reached Vienna with propositions to the Emperor, Swisserland was in possession of the French troops. Thir orders with respect to the Cape were, under the circumstances they had sent them. unjustifiable-they should have dispatched spirited remonstrances in the first instance; and after all that had been said that aight, they surrendered the Cape, at a time when a powerful body of French troops were in the heart of Holland. Their conduct with re spect to Malta, was weak and impolitic in the extreme, as most forcibly appeared in a document published at the other side of the water, by which it appeared, that the Russians were adverse to the measures taken with respect to that island, and that they were even contrary to against our government. Such a motion, therefore, as was now before them, if carried, would disappoint the hopes of the best men, and operate even contrary to the interest of the respectable characters who supported it. He would not accuse those who supported the motion of a mischievous intent, but he was fully persuaded, that it would not tend to accelerate the operations of government against the enemy. Lord GRANTLEY thought the present ministry in many instances censurable. He was, however, of opinion, that on this trying occasion, when the greatest exertions were necessary, the arm of power ought to be strength. ened, instead of weakened. In this view, he would much sooner pass a vote of thanks than that of censure on the conduct of the present administration. The Earl of WARWICK condemned those who now governed public affairs, as inadequate to the situations in which they were placed. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Friday, June 3. (Min. 870). ters among them.-But he wished to see that Bench (pointing to the Treasury Bench) filled with all the talent and ability of the country at this momentous crisis. He had nothing to wish, nothing to hope, and nothing to fear from that or any administration, but at a period like the present he thought it his duty, as a representative of the people, whose dearest interests were so imme [CENSURE of MINISTERS.COL. PATTEN said it was with reluctance he rose to draw the atten tion of the House to such a subject as he had now to submit to their consideration. The House would recollect the character which he held with-diately at their disposal, to warn the House against in those wails; he had no communication with giving their confidence, and if the House should gentlemen on the one side, nor did he evince a dis- concur in opinion with him, to caution our most position uniformly to oppose gentlemen on the Gracious Sovereign against the danger of longer other. But, when he found his country involved entrusting the conduct of his affairs to men so inin war, and thought that that war might have capable of guiding the helm of the State. He been avoided, as also that ministers were culpable declared he had been influenced in the conduct he in delaying it so long, he must beg the indulgence had pursued solely by his own feelings, and his of the House white he endeavoured to point out own conviction of duty. He knew, however, that to them in what manner the conduct of his Ma- in consequence of the part he had taken, he had jesty's ministers was deserving of crimination, or been made the subject of much calumny; so far at least of censure. In the first place he must re- as the slanderous reports, affect himself only, he quest the House to pay attention while he read a was indifferent to them, and therefore would not part of his Majesty's declaration, which expressly be disposed to allude to them there; but when says that the period which has elapsed since they implicated others, when they affected those the conclusion or the definitive reaty, has been hon. friends whom he must respect, it was impos"marked with one continued series of aggression, sible to pass them unnoticed. He therefore, po"violence, and insult, on the part of the French sitively declared, that at the time he first offered "government." If this were true (and of the hits motion to the House, he had no consultation truth of it he had no reason to doubt), ministers with the hon gent. near to him, nor had he since were most undoubtedly culpable in with-holding up to this time concerted any measure with them that communication from the Parliament of the respecting the mode or time of bringing it forward. Country for such a length of time. Ministers had But it had heen stated that he was the tool of since that period held out a hope of peace, and those hon, gentlemen; that he was only the ineven given a confidential assurance to Parliament strument which they employed for breaking the that there was no probability of the treaty being ground they were afterwards to cultivate thembroken, but their orders and their counter-orders selves. All these calumbies were as false as they were suflicient evidence of their knowledge to the were malignant. This vindication was due to the contrary. Respect for the opinions and the feel-characters of his hon. friends; but he should not ings of his brother subjects induced him to come to this public explanation, as it appeared to him no more than fair, no more than justice and honour demanded, that the people of a free country should be informed of what was the cause of their being involved in the horrors of war, or what were the endeavours of their rulers to avert that evil. He was deterred, however, from bringing forward his promised motion by what he thought no more than a becoming deference to the opinions of those whose ability and discrimination, he was well convinced, was far superior to his own. At length, finding the House and the Country still continue in a state of uncertainty; finding so much doubt, perplexity, and ambiguity hang over the sort of explanation that was given them, he felt it his duty to complain of such conduct in the face of the House and of the Country, in order that the case might be judged of fairly between him and the administration of the country, and that these persons who were more experienced in politics and more eloquent in speech, might deliver their opinion, and that the House might come to a positive decision on the question. He was well convinced that, whatever might be the event of his motion in that House, he was borne out in his opinions by the sentiments of the people of Great Britain: they heard of increased expenses, they saw their trade becoming stagnated, and commerce stood dismayed and appalled; and all this with only the general assertion of aggravation and insult on the part of the French government! He disclaimed any personal aversion to the gentlemen who now directed his Majesty's councils; no doubt there were many worthy and respectable charac | ۲۱ do justice to himself, if he did not state that he was proud to be classed with men who by their foresight and firmness had rendered such essential services to their country. He should be ashamed of himself, if he were not happy to be classed with men who, for their abilities as statesmen, were not only the admiration of this country, but looked up to with reverence by all the Cabinets of Europe. Notwithstanding all that had been said respecting the preparations in the ports of France, he was convinced that at the me the Message of the 8th of March was delivered to the House, there were no preparations made in the ports of France, with any hostile view towards this country. As to the hostile disposition of France, at that time, as well as before and since, there could be no doubt. He never entertained the idea that this country was immediately endangered by the preparations of France. Her views were first directed to Egypt, to the embarrassment of our commerce: but there was no doubt that their ultimate object was to strike at the very root of our inde dence. Ministers complained of the aggres sions and insults of France, but had taken no means to repel them. He thought it was with countries, as with individuals, when one injury was submitted to, another was invited. Among the aggressions of France, recapitulated in the declaration, the invasion of Swisserland was one of the most prominent. He could not help feel. ing more tor the Swiss, than for any other people the French had unjustly attacked. Like us, they had free institutions handed down to them from their ancestors. They had bravely struggled to defend their freedom and independence against * 3 B 2 France, but they had been overpowered. Their manly conduct had procured for them the inveterate hostility of France. The petty states of Italy might be permitted to live at peace, while they were subjected to truck and barter; but the First Consul would never forgive the stand made for freedom by Switzerland. in proportion as Countries were free and happy, in proportion did they become the objects of jealousy on the part of the French government; and he was convinced that the great hostility of Buonaparté to this country was founded on that principle.—The hon. member then adverted to the communications with Mr. Merry on that subject, to the orders for the surrender of the Cape, to the counter orders, to the possession of Parma, Placentia, &c. and observed that, from all these things, it appeared the French government had done every thing but making a direct attack upon our own country. He must therefore charge ministers with holding out improper hopes of peace to Parliament, at a time when they were compromising the honour of the country by protraction, and when they could not themselves see any sure foundation for a supposition that peace could be much longer enjoyed, consistent with the honour and dignity of the nation. He need refer to no other proof than the papers on the table, to shew that ministers had, by their conduct, compromised the dignity and honour of the country, and lowered and debased the spirit of the people. COL. GRAHAM begged the indulgence of the house a few moments. About two hours before he came down, Gen. Pigot called upon him with Mr. Cobbett's Register, which, probably contained the same papers which had been moved for by an hon. gent. yesterday, concerning Malta. He was particularly requested to say, from Gen. Pigot, that those papers contained the most gross misrepresentations and charges against his character. worthy in the present administration. Wh COL. BASTARD thought that if the state of the nation was fairly laid before Parliament, it would be the best justification of the conduct of ministers. The situation of the country was one of great anxiety, but was it to be attributed to the late or to the present administration? The present ad- LORD TEMPLE.With respect to the first reministration had come into power at a most criti- solution, little remains to be said. His Majes cal period, and had acted under difficulties unpa- ty's declaration speaks for itself, and, in this ralleled. They found the whole chain of connex- House, is only to be considered as the guage f ion with which this country had acted, broken, H. M's ministers. They have observed, and they and the country discontented in a very high de- have lamented "that the system of aggression, gree; the circumstances in which they were placed "violence, and aggrandisement which charse compelled the Treaty of Amiens, and, in his opi- "rise the proceedings of the different governme nion, made it prudent not to push every point of "of France, during the war, has been conti aggression. When he said he heard two opposite "with as little disguise, since its termicatier parties, the one accusing ministers of being too At length, then, we have a bold avowal of th rash, and the other of being too timid, he conopinion which H. M's ministers have held respe cluded that ministers had acted just as they ought ing the conduct of the French government, dur to have done. It required more fortitude to bear an the peace. At length, we are told, that ev insult than to resent one. A man worn out ought principle of fraud, of violence, and of rapist not to attempt to combat with another in full upon which the different sanguinary governme health and vigour; and we required time to renew have acted, at the different periods of the re our strength.- Mr. I. H. BROWNE said that the tion, have been equally the rule of conduct of hi difficulties and dangers to which the hon. gent who now holds in his hands, the reins of pot alluded originated with the former, and not with in that country; we are told that the same det the present administration. He did not think it table system of policy which dictated that ambi right at this critical moment when all agree, in the tious and boasting menace, that France and Eng propriety of supporting the country against the land should never exist together in the same he dangers which threaten it, to interrupt the har-misphere; which sent Buonaparte mony and unanimity of the House by any vote of force of arms, a country the possession of a power censure on his Majesty's government. The conclusion of the Treaty of Amiens he thought praise of striking a blow at the Indian interests of the then in amity with France, for the avowed phiert i ---- to seize br country, who secured his entry into that country, troops had began their march out of the Batavian by disavowing his faith, by boasting that he had territories, but that instead of evacuating them, been the means of overturning altars and dis- they had halted upon the frontiers and occupied persing the ministers of his religion, by trampling Breda, Bois-le-Duc, and Bergen-op-Zoom. This upon the bible, swearing by the koran, who se- was all that appeared upon the subject in the pacured his retreat from that country by destroying pers first laid upon your table, but the noble Sein cold and deliberate cruelty the miserable pri-cretary of State, finding that more information soners who had fallen into his hands, and by poi- was wanting, produced after much search among soning his own wounded and defenceless soldiers; the pigeon-holes of his bureau, another dispatch the same feelings which dictate, and the same from Mr. Liston dated a few days after the last, revenge which prompted the execution of every in which, he says, that the Batavian minister at act of hostility, of rapine, and of horror against Paris had made a remonstrance on the subject of this country and the world during the different the occupation of his country by the French, and periods of his power, have existed at every mo, that he had written a most able lettter to the French ment since the peace. How H. M's ministers can Minister for Foreign Affairs, that in consequence justify this tardy avowal; how they can presume of this most persuasive and most argumentative to come down to this House, with the declaration | letter, the First Consul had been graciously pleasin their hands, with the confession unwillingly ed to do-What? To cause the Batavian troops drawn from them of the existence of proceedings to evacuate the country? No! but to direct them which they now say they have seen and felt ever to remain where they were in the occupation of since the peace was signed, how they came to tell the barrier towns of Holland, in possession of the us, now, that nothing but hostility and aggression strongest fortresses on the frontier, by which existed at periods when they told us that nothing means they had the key of the country in their but harmony and profound peace prevailed, re-hands, and this at the moment when both the mains for their further ingenuity to explain. A Batavian and English governments, as well as Mr. reference to their parliamentary conduct ever since Liston, knew, that the project of France at that the Treaty of Amiens, will shew, that instead of instant, was to seize upon those towns for the putting us upon our guard against dangers purpose of ultimately making Holland an integral which we now find they knew existed, instead of part of the French Republic; and Mr. Liston stimulating our watchfulness and encouraging concludes, by saying, that upon this occasion it our vigilance, they have universally, at the dif was thought advisable to humour the wishes of the ferent periods I allude to, tried to lull the coun- First Consul. All this happened in October, long try into a security, which they now tell us was before this time ministers knew that the execution not warranted by the fact, and inspire us with of the 10th article of the Treaty of Amiens, relahopes, which they now declare they knew to be tive to Malta, had become utterly impossible. The fallacious. On the 23d of Nov. 1802, the Chancel- declaration very justly states that the Treaty of lor of the Exchequer declared, in this House, Amiens and every part of that Treaty was found"that there was nothing that indicated the re- ed on the assumption of the state of possession "newal of hostilities with France." Look to the and engagements actually subsisting at the moevents of that period as collected in the papers ment of the signature of the Treaty. The prac upon your table, recollect the public circumstan- tice of ministers forms a singular contrast with ces of Europe at that time, and then say whether their theory. On that very principle they knew ministers were justified in what they said. At that the articles respecting Malta could not be that very moment, there is scarce a circumstance executed. The revenues of that order, the indewhich is now declared to be a cause of war, or col-pendence of which it was the professed object of lectively with others to form a cause of war, the treaty to secure, and on the existence of which which did not exist in its full force. Not one of revenues that independence existed, were known the articles of the Treaty of Amiens had been ex- to be confiscated, in fact, before the conclusion of ecuted by France. Parma was annexed to her do- the peace, or immediately after. In the Madrid minions by public proclamation dated the 23d of Gazette of the 27th of April 1802, it is stated that October. The system of commercial agents, which the King of Spain had annexed to the Royal dohas been justly made a cause of war, existed in main the Langues and possessions of the Order of full force, at the period I allude to. With the ex- Malta, within his dominions, and yet with this ception of one only, every instance of aggression faer known, and avowed in every newspaper in complained of, as being committed by France Europe, we see ministers from the May following against the commerce of this country, bad occurred down to the breaking off the negotiation, pesterlong before the 23d of November. It appears ing every power on the Continent with applicafrom the printed papers, that from June to Octo- tions to guarantee the execution of an article ber 1862, Mr. Merry repeatedly informed minis- which they knew could not be executed. Nay, on ters of the different acts of violence committed the 23d of August, Lord Hawkesbury writes to Mr. against our merchants and their ships. On the Otto, to inform him, that his Majesty is ready to 25th of October, Mr. Merry informed government of carry into effect the article respecting Malta, the the most violent and flagrant breach of treaty moment the other powers of Europe had guaran that ever existed, the case of the ship Genge, teed its execution: an article which had been when the ship was condemned with all her cargo, framed with a view to the actual possessions and because her captain had on board, for his own pri- situation of the power whose interests that treaty to use, knives, forks, and plates of British ma- was to provide for, and which possessions and sinufacture. October the 13th is the date of Mr, Lis-tuation were completely changed since the conton's first dispatch on a subject which is made another ground for war, the occupation of HolJand by the French troops. On October 29th, his second dispatch is sent, notifying that the French clusum of that treaty. That change ministers use as an excuse for their not evacuating Malta, but it also was a fair excuse for the other powers not to guarantee the treaty. It was a fair reason for |