commerce will be carried on in any other | by the former. I must either conceal that place in the United States, which the policy of their government may judge proper to encourage. which truth would have me say, or on the other hand frighten certain querulous minds, who may fancy they see a threat in my If the settlement of Louisiana is not ad- frankness. Nevertheless, a citizen of one vantageous to France in a commercial view, of the two nations, and strongly attached to because it diverts capitals from a much more the other, I hope that those to whom this important channel, it is still more contrary memorial may be delivered, will be able to to her interests in a political point of view. set a just value on the motives of my con-America is of the utmost importance to duct, and will see in it nothing but my exFrance, whether considered as a commercial ertions to remove every subject of disor maritime power. I have explained my pute between two people formed to assist opinion fully in this first relation, on another one another; and although I am too well occasion; as to the other, there is no ques-acquainted with the resources of my own tion than an agricultural nation, which, by country to dread the power of any of the her industry and her raw materials, is able European nations, it will easily be seen, that to procure all the superfluous luxuries of I am incapable of conceiving the ridiculous Europe, and whose habits and occupations idea of threatening a government which has prevent them from manufacturing for them-seen all Europe bend the knee before its selves, there can be no question that such a power. nation must afford a very important market to the inhabitants of the old world. In this view, the commerce of the United States is considered as very profitable to England; but when French manufactures shall have obtained all the improvement of which they are capable, when commerce shall be established upon a suitable basis, it will present a much greater variety of articles upon which to support itself, than the commerce of England. Woollen articles and hardware are the only articles which America receives from England; but France shall furnish not only all these, but her agriculture will gain by the sale of her wines, her brandies, and her oils. Those advantages, added to the relative situation of France and the United States, which removes every suspicion of rivalry between them, both by sea and land, have exhibited France as the natural ally of the United States, to the eye of those who have considered, in the extent of her power, a new pledge of the security of their commerce and their future tranquillity. They have done homage to the wisdom of those statesmen who, at the conclusion of an advantageous war, have thought that France would gain more by securing the solid friendship of the United States, than by acquiring a terri tory which would be for them an object of jealousy, and might again force them under the domination of a people whose yoke they had just assisted them to shake off. I am not ignorant how delicate it is to foretell political misfortunes, which might result to France and the United States from the possession of Louisiana and the Floridas This I have observed, that France and the United States are in a respective situation, so fortunate as to have no point of collision. They may assist, without being tempted to hurt one another in any manner. commerce is useful to both nations; this union of sentiments and interests rests upon principles which ought to form the maritime code, and deliver the universe from the tyranny founded by Great Britain, which she maintains, and which never will be com batted with success, until the other powers, by uniting, will abridge her means, by transferring to nations more moderate a part of her commerce; and as there are no nations on the globe whose consumption offers to foreign manufactures resources as vast as those offered by the United States, if we consider with what rapidity this consump tion increases, the means which America has of creating a navy when her political situation shall render it necessary, we shall be obliged to own that France must have very strong motives and very powerful, to induce her to abandon these advantages, and change a natural ally, from a warm friend, into a suspicious and jealous neigh bour, and perhaps hereafter into a declared enemy. Experience has proved, that two nations could not be neighbours without being rivals; and if this be true of two neigh bouring nations, it may be said with still more truth of a colony formed by a great and powerful nation, removed from the metropolis, and of a people bordering on the territory of the other. The reason of this is plausible; where two nations are neighbours, neighbours, every thing passes under the in-preserving her commerce with America, spection of the sovereign; the quarrels are which she now possesses almost exclusively, as soon extinguished as kindled; but when securing her colonies to be able, in case of the governor of a colony, calculating upon war, to invade the French colonies, and the protection of the metropolis, is guilty of especially, of preventing the union of the an act of hostility, the wound gets gan- commerce and navy of France and the United grened, before a physician can be called. States, upon which alone France can engraft The offended sovereign, who also thinks her naval superiority. that the offender will be so much the more strongly supported, as his nation is more powerful, tries every means, in order to anticipate on the hostilities which he dreads, uses reprisals, and both nations are at war before any explanation has taken place. If there be a situation in the world which may be attended with these consequences, it certainly is that of France, when she is in possession of New-Orleans. It is situated in such a manner, as to block up the great passage towards the sea from a great number of States, and a very extensive population which increases rapidly. A military government is about to be established on the island. The General, proud, with reason, of the glory of his nation, will cast on every thing that surrounds him a look of superiority; commerce will be degraded; and merchants, subjected to the despotism of men, who will seek, in the laying up of riches, a recompence for their privations in the remote and insalubrious country whither they are sent. The colony presents no lawful means of growing rich, except those (slow and progressive) of commerce and agriculture..-ill suited means for soldiers. However vigilant the mother country, she will not prevent, at that distance, the vexations which may be exercised. On the other hand, the government of the United States will not be able, in a thousand instances, to restrain the petulence of the near inhabitants, bordering on the limits of the Mississippi; to confine their vengeance wholly, and compel them to expect from diplomatic representation a slow justice. Hatred will take place between the two people; the bonds of friendship will be destroyed, and the government of the United States, which ever shares the sentiments of the people, will be forced, by its situation, to alter its political relations. Then, for the sake of guarding themselves against their old ally, for a pretended act of hostility, they will form a cautionary connection with England, which will be sedulous in obtaining her alliance, and will excite her resentment against France; because in that alliance she will see the means of It may be asked, why those jealousies which I seem so much to dread for France, have not taken place for England, in possession of Canada? First, because Great Britain has prudently separated her territory by a natural limit which prevents the contact of the two nations. While she occupied the western posts, the United States saw her with jealousy, and it is beyond doubt that hostilities and a national hatred would have been the consequence when the increase of American population in that part had taken place; when those forts were given up, numerous symptoms had already manifested themselves. Secondly, because the usual road of the exports of the United States being made through their own rivers, there is no important communication between them and Canada. But it is chiefly because Upper Canada is inhabited by American emigrants, who, in case of a rupture, would join, according to all appearances, to the United States, had not the spirit of their government been to prevent the extending of their limits. But, after all, what political or commercial advantage can France receive from the possession of New Orleans, and of the East Bank of the Mississippi, that may balance the loss which, in these two points of view, she will sustain in the rivalry with the United States? The Floridas are a narrow strip of barren land, incapable of defence in case of a rupture, and which will cost more than it is worth to guard, garrison, and the presents to the Indian Tribes. However advantageous New Orleans might be for the United States, it will be of very inconsiderable value for France, when the foreign capitals shall be taken from it, or a rival city shall be established on the American side. From the best information, I find that one-third of the best commercial houses employed in New Orleans, are American.— No sooner will a military government be established in the country, than all these commercial houses, with the capitals which support them, will pass into the United States, to that place assigned them by the X X X 2 treaty treaty with Spain, or to the Natchez, where every vessel which may go to New Orleans may be received.-Large vessels, from France, have already arrived there, and unloaded their cargoes without difficulty, and as the soil is so much the more advantageous as we penetrate further, there is very little doubt this establishment will rival that of New Orleans, when the American capitals shall have been taken out of it. When the United States shall have declared the Natchez a free port, New Orleans will be very little as a place of commerce, and only an object of useless expence for France, and an inexhaustible source of jealousy be. tween France and the United States. The cession of Louisiana is nevertheless very important to France, if she applies it to the only use which sound policy seems to dictate. I speak of Louisiana alone, and, by this, I do not comprehend the Floridas, because I think they are no part of the ces. sion. As it can, by this cession, acquire the right of carrying on the Mississppi a free trade, if she knows how to profit of this circumstance, by a perfect understanding with the United States, she will find markets for a very great variety of articles, when she has accustomed the inhabitants of the western countries to prefer them to the English, which she can only obtain by selling them cheaper, and she can only sell them cheaper, by interesting the American merchants to sell them, to have the use of their capitals, and by engaging the government of the United States to give them the preference. All this can take place only by the cession of New Orleans to the United States, with the reserve of the right of entry, at all times, free from all other duties than those paid by American vessels, together with the right of navigation on the Mississippi. This would give her vessels an advantage over the vessels of all other nations, will retain and even increase the capitals of New Orleans, where the provisions for the islands will be bought at the cheapest rate possible, and where the articles of her manufactures will be introduced in the western countries:-The United States will have no in. terest in preventing it, for every reason of rivalry will be removed. Then France will command respect, without inspiring fear to the two nations whose friendship is the most important for her commerce, and the preservation of her islands; and all these advantages will be obtained without the expence of establishments, which ruin the public treasure, and divert capitals from their true object. But if, on the one side, France keeps New Orleans, by attempting to colonize Louisiana, she will become an object of jealousy to Spain, the United States, and England, which powers will not only discourage her commerce, but will compel her to make expensive establishments to secure the possession of it. In the foregoing observations I have con fined myself to observations which presented themselves, without having recourse to sub tilties, which only serve to mislead the judgment. I have exposed simple facts with candour and all the simplicity of language. If a reply is made, it will be by pursuing a contrary course. With eloquence and so phistry they may be combatted and ob scured; time and experience will demon strate their solidity. An Agreement between the Seneca Indians and a company of Dutch Merchants, for the sale of lands in Ontario County, in the State of New-York. THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States of America, to all whom these presents shall come, greeting.Whereas a treaty was held on the 30th day of June last, under the authority of the United States, with the Seneca Nation of Indians, at Buf faloe Creek, in the county of Ontario and State of New York, and at the said treaty, in the presence of and with the approbation of John Taylor, Esq. a commissioner of the United States, appointed to hold the same, an indenture or agreement was entered into between the said nation of Indians and Wilhem Willink and others hereinafter mentioned, which indenture or agreement is in the words following:-This indenture made the 30th day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and two, between the Sachems, chiefs and warriors of the Seneca Nation of Indians of the first part, and Wilhem Willink, Peter Van Eeghem, Hendrick Vollenhoven, W. Willink the younger, I. Willink the younger, (son of Jan) Jan Gabriel Van Staphorst, Roelof Van Staphorst the younger, Cornelius Vol. lenhoven and Hendrick Seve, all of the city of Amsterdam and republic of Batavia, by Joseph Ellicott, Esq. their agent and attor ney of the second part. Whereas, at a treaty held under the authority of the United States parties of the second part, their only proper use, benefit and behoof for ever. And in consideration of the said lands de scribed and ceded as aforesaid, the said parties of the second part, by Joseph Ellicot, their agent and attorney as aforesaid, do hereby exchange, cede, release and quit claim to the said parties of the first part and their nation, (the said parties of the second part reserving to themselves the right of preemption,) all that certain tract or parcel of land situate as aforesaid. Beginning at a post marked No. O, standing on the bank of lake Erie, at the mouth of Cataraugos creek, and on the north bank thereof, thence along the shore of said lake N. 11 degrees, E. 21 chains, E. 13 degrees E. 45 chains, N. 19 States with the said Seneca Nation of In- all and singular the rights, priviléges, here dians, at Buffaloe Creek, in the county of ditaments and appurtenances thereunto be Ontario and state of New-York, on the day longing, or in any wise appertaining. And of the date of these presents, by the hon. all the estate, right, title and interest whatJohn Taylor, Esq. a commissioner appointed soever of them, the said parties of the first by the President of the United States to part, and their nation, of, in and to the said hold the same in pursuance of the constitu- tracts of land above described, to have and tion, and of the act of the Congress of the to hold all and singular the said granted preUnited States in such case made and promises, with the appurtenances, to the said vided, a convention was entered into in the presence and with the approbation of the said commissioner, between the said Seneca Nation of Indians and the said Wilhem Willink, Peter Van Eeghen, Hendrick Vollenhoven, W. Willink the younger, I. Wil. link the younger, (son of Jan) Jan Gabriel Van Staphorst, Roelof Van Staphorst the younger, Cornelius Vollenhoven, and Hendrick Seve, by the said Joseph Ellicot their agent and attorney, lawfully constituted and appointed for that purpose. Now this inden ture witnesseth,That the said parties of the first part, for and in consideration of the lands hereinafter described, do hereby exchange, cede, and for ever quit claim to the said parties of the second part, their heirs and assigns, all those lands situate, ly-degrees E. 14 chains 65 links to a post ing and being in the county of Ontario and state of New-York, being part of the lands described and reserved by the said parties of the first part in a treaty or convention held by the hon. Jeremiah Wadsworth, Esq. under the authority of the United States, on the Genesse river the 15th day of Sept. 1797, in the words following, viz. Beginning at the mouth of the eighteen mile or Koghquawqa creek, thence a line or lines to be drawn parallel to lake Erie, at the dis-links to a post standing on the north bank of tance of one mile from the lake, to the mouth of Cataraugos creek, thence a line or lines extending twelve miles up the north side of said creek, at the distance of one mile therefrom, thence a direct line to the said creek, thence down the said creek to lake Erie, thence along the lake to the first mentioned creek, and thence to the place of beginning. Also one other piece at Catarangus, beginning at the shore of lake Erie on the south side of Catarangus creek, at the distance of one mile from the mouth thereof, thence on a line parallel thereto to a point within one mile from the Con-non-dan we gea creek, thence up the said creek one mile on a line parallel thereto, thence on a direct line to the said creek, thence down the same to lake Erie, thence along the lake to the place of beginning; reference being thereunto had will fully appear. Together with thence east 119 chains to a post, thence south 14 chains 27 links to a post, thence east 640 chains to a post standing in the meridian between the 8th and the 9th ranges, thence along said meridian south 617 chains 75 links to a post standing on the south bank of Cataraugos creek, thence west 160 chains to a post, thence north 290 chains 25 links to a post, thence west 482 chains 3-1 links to a post, thence north 219 chains 50 Cataraugos creek, thence down the same and along the several meanders thereof to the place of beginning. To hold to the said parties of the first part in the same manner and by the same tenure as the lands reserved by the said parties of the first part, in and by the said treaty or convention entered into on Genesse river the 15th day of September, 1797, as aforesaid were intended to be held. In testimony whereof the parties to these presents have hereunto, and to other inden. tures of the same tenor and date, one to remain with the United States, one to remain with the said parties of the first part, and the other to remain with the said parties of the second part, interchangeably set their hands and seals, the day and year first above written. Con-nea-ti-a Koe-en-twah-ha, or Corn. planserWou dou.gooh-lea Teskon-nous du sa-00-wau. du-Te-ki-am-dau-Sa-goo-yes-Jaw-yo- ter or private interest, which could have cau-na, or Blue Sky-Koving-quan-tah, or prompted you to such a manifestation of Young King-Ka-oun.doo-wand, or Pollard. your friendly sentiments, I am fully assured Con-na-wan-de-au-Soo-no-you-Au-wen- that this visit is the result of feeling, and nau-sa-Soo-goo-ya-wou-law, or Red Jacket not of ceremony. The performance of the Cosh-kau-tough- Te-yo-kai-hossa parts which were cast to me, in the course of Oua-ya-wos, or Farmer's Brother-So-nau- the revolution, though the scenes were in the goi-es-Gish-ka-ka, or Little Billy-Sus- secret conclave of a congress, without galleries, and with closed doors, or at a thousand leagues distance beyond seas, and the few spectators or witnesses are almost all dead, I shall leave to the candour of the public, and the judgment of posterity, with such traditionary lights as they may possess. After as careful a review as I am capable of taking of the civil administration, during the period when I was President of the United States, I see nothing of any conse quence to repent or regret. Some measures were the effect of imperious necessity, much against my inclinations.-Others were the measures of the legislature, which, although approved of when passed, were never previously proposed or recommended by me.... Some of them, left to my discretion, were never executed, because no necessity for them, in my judgment, ever occurred. I shall say no more upon this subject at present, but this, we were emancipated from two bur. Wilhem Willink-Pieter Van EeghenHendrick Vollenhoven-W. Willink, the younger-I. Willink the younger, (son of Jan) Jan Gabriel Van Staphorst, the younger -Cornelius Vollenhoven and Hendrick Seye by their attorney, JOSEPH ELLICOT. Sealed and delivered in the presence of John Thomson, Israel Chapin, James W. Stephens, and Horatio Jones, and Jasper Parrish, Interpreters. Done at a full and general treaty of the Seneca Nation of Indians, held at Buffaloe creek, in the county of Ontario, and state of New-York, on the thirteenth day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and two, under the authority of the United States. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and seal the day and year aforesaid, JOHN TAYLOR. Now be it known, that I, THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States of America, having seen and consider-thensome yokes, the French Treaty and Coned the said indenture or agreement, do, by and with the consent of the senate thereof, accept, ratify, and confirm the same in every clause and article thereof. In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed, and signed the same with my hand. Done at the city of Washington, the twelfth day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and three, and in the twenty-seventh year of the Independence of the said United States, THOMAS JEFFERSON. By the President, JAMES MADISON, Secretary of State. The following reply of Mr. Adams, late President of the United States, to some gentlemen who congratulated him on the anniversary of his birth day, throws great light on some parts of his administration which have hitherto been considered, in some measure, inexplicable. Gentlemen,-As every gentleman here is at least as independent of me, as I can pretend to be of him; as there is no imaginable motive of hope, apprehension, or any sinis sular Convention, which were grievous to us, and would have been intolerable to our children. The nation in future, unshackled with positive stipulations, will have only to consider her duties to foreign powers by the law of nations, and to estimate her interest by an honest and impartial policy. Let me add one observation more. Under the con. tinual provocations, breaking and pouring in upon me from unexpected as well as expected quarters, during the two last years of my administration, he must have been more of a modern epicurean philosopher than I ever was, or ever will be, to have borne them all without some incautious expressions, at times, of an unutterable indignation. I have no other apology to make to individuals or to the public. The prospect of national greatness is as sure and certain as that of national existence. The Union is our rock of safety, as well as our pledge of grandeur. And for this reason I hesitate not to recommend to you as a sentiment..." a union of honest men." I wish you, gentlemen, for the day, and for your lives, all the honest joys and felicities which you can possibly wish for yourselves.---JOHN ADAMS. Quincy, Oct. 30, 1802 Extra&s |